"some parishes in County Cork lost up to a third of such able-bodied men as had survived the Famine"
(Geoffrey Wheatcroft, 25 August 2011)

"The Jews are a minority in the Middle East and therefore I don't preach pacifism or suggest forgoing a strong army"
(David Grossman, July 2011)

"In a certain sense, the Coop campaign is dealing with liberal people who just want to get their crunchy, hippie food and be left alone. But the best things that movements critical of Israel can do is to push people to be consistent. Consistency is a great thing to offer people. It requires some explanation and education as to why this is part of your other values–why boycotting or divesting from Israel is an extension of them."
(Jesse Bacon, August 2011)

"Since the war began 1,709 Jews and 392 Arabs have enlisted in Palestine for service overseas. These figures include the Auxiliary Military Pioneer Corps already in France, which contains 742 Jews and 306 Arabs."
(Malcolm MacDonald, 20 March 1940)

"a Special German Group as a sub-unit of M[iddle] E[ast] Commando... with the cover name 'Special Interrogation Group', to be used for infiltration behind the German lines in the Western Desert, under 8th Army... the strength of the Special Group would be approximately that of a platoon... The personnel are fluent German linguists... mainly Palestinian (Jews) of German origin. Many of them have had war experience with No. 51 Commando..."
(Terence Airey, March 1942)

"Sovereign Jewish rule in part of the land, or all of the land ... will still not solve the problem, because we will be facing the Arab problem. [Even] a Jewish state on both sides of the Jordan will not solve the entire problem, because Arabs will remain in the land and surrounding it ... The historical solution is a Hebrew Land of Israel connected to an Arab federation. This would afford genuine satisfaction to the dynamic of these two peoples."
(David Ben-Gurion, some date just before World War II)

"Ireland is a small country with jurisdiction over a population of something less than three million people. Notwithstanding the steady progress which has been made in recent years in regard to the creation of new industries, by far the greater part of our people still derive, and will continue to derive, their living from the land. I need not explain the land problems which have arisen in Ireland; it is sufficient to say that there is not enough land available to satisfy the needs of our own people.

Although every effoort is being made by the Government to expedite industrialization in a country which has been greatly under-industrialized, the new industries are not yet capable of absorbing the regular increase in our population, so that each year numbers of young people are forced by circumstances to emigrate. While such emigration remains imposed upon our national economy, it is obvious that we can make no real contribution to the settlement of [German Jewish] refugees."
(Francis Thomas Cremins, July 1938)

"Under Mr. Begin, Israeli relations with other countries have ceased to be regarded as similar to other international relations, whether concerning cooperation, opposition and even confrontation. With Mr. Begin and his cohorts, every foe becomes a 'Nazi,' every blow becomes an 'Auschwitz.'"
(Abba Eban, some date before 1986)

"That account is being closed. Perhaps it is for the best. It is about time that we stand on our own feet and not those of the six million of our dead."
(Abba Eban, 1982)

"Demonstrators, protesting against the Israeli government's treatment of Palestinians, disrupt the Israel Philharmonic's Prom. Reminds me of when demonstrators, protesting against the Soviet government's treatment of Jews, disrupted the Bolshoi Ballet in 1974. Shakespeare, Twelfth Night: 'Thus the whirligig of time brings in his revenges.'"
(Gerald Kaufman, 6 September 2011)

"These young men [pimps], aged 25 to 30, and their assistants, except for one wearing a handsome white shirt, all look like Sephardis."
(Haaretz staff, 1958)

"It seems that not a lot has changed over the past 50 years. Prostitution is still alive and thriving (in other areas ), and Rothschild is still considered an expensive and bourgeois enclave. What has changed is the attention to political correctness, perhaps because such a notion it did yet not exist in the 1950s. In a 1958 article describing the pimps in Tel Aviv, Haaretz wrote, 'These young men, aged 25 to 30, and their assistants, except for one wearing a handsome white shirt, all look like Sephardis.'"
(Yael Grinfeter, 8 September 2011)

"what Zionists have always done with immense success: at every stage, take what you can get and move on to get more."
(Uri Avnery, 9 September 2011)

"You’ll not get a dime out of the US government until you’ve gotten out of Suez."
(George Humphrey, 1956)

"[There is] definitely a certain degree of black and tan methods about the Police"
(Richard O'Connor, 2 November 1938)

"While in the past an 'anti-Semite' was someone who hated Jews, nowadays it is the other way around, an anti-Semite is someone the Jews hate."
(Gilad Atzmon, September 2011)

"I feel that divulgence of agreement at present time might be detrimental to our good relations with all parties and possibly create a change of attitude in some of them. ... It might also prejudice the hoped for action of the Sharif who views French penetration with suspicion."
(Henry McMahon, 3 May 1916)

"An IDF statement later that day spoke of "a violent riot, during which Palestinians hurled rocks at security personnel. During the riot, security personnel used riot dispersal means and eventually, live fire." But, as I witnessed, the "riot dispersal" began before the "riot"."
(Harriet Sherwood, 28 September 2011)

"If I were to be put on trial for what I did, then it would be necessary to put on trial at least one-half [of] the Israeli army which, in similar circumstances, did what I did."
(Aryeh Biro, 1995)

"An antisemite used to be someone who hates Jews; nowadays an antisemite is someone Jews hate."
(Gilad Atzmon, 28 September 2011)

"The Palestinians desire their country for themselves and will resist any general immigration of Jews, however gradual, by every means in their power including active hostilities."
(A. W. Money, early 1919, before 2 May 1919)

"The antagonism to Zionism of the majority of the population [of Palestine] is deep-rooted it is fast leading to hatred of the British and will result, if the Zionist programme is forced upon them, in an outbreak of a very serious character"
(H. D. Watson, 16 August 1919)

"it is manifestly impossible to please partisans who officially claim nothing more than a National Home but in reality will be satisfied with nothing less than a Jewish State and all that it politically implies"
(Louis Bols, 12 April 1920)

"Zionism is admittedly a departure from ordinary colonizing processes; an act of faith. To this extent, therefore, 'impartiality' is condemned by Zionists as anti-Zionistic....What is less justifiable (and much less helpful to the cause) is the assumption that the smallest criticism of any Zionist method or proposal is equivalent to anti-Zionism, even to anti- Semitism."
(Ronald Storrs, 1937)

"He [Tony Blair] was parroting exactly what the Israelis wanted."
(Nabil Shaath, 1 October 2011)

"Everybody knows the US Congress is the most pro-Israel parliamentary body in the world."
(William Jefferson ('Bill') Clinton, September 2011)

"if Jews will have to choose between the refugees, saving Jews from concentration camps, and assisting a national museum in Palestine, mercy will have the upper hand and the whole energy of the people will be channelled into saving Jews from various countries. ... Zionism will be struck off the agenda not only in world public opinion, in Britain and the USA, but elsewhere in Jewish public opinion. If we allow a separation between the refugee problem and the Palestine problem, we are risking the existence of Zionism."
(David Ben-Gurion, 1938)

"The German Zionist organization, in its negotiations with Germany to secure emigration of Jews, maneuvred to get the Gestapo to force Jews emigrating from Germany to go to Palestine."
(John Quigley, March 1990)

"Men like Ben Hecht are little concerned about human blood if it is not their own."
(Morris L. Ernst, 1948)

"I could scarcely believe it. I didn't want to believe it. That a bit of chauvinism and nationalism among a few leaders of the Jewish organizations of America could defeat an overall haven for the oppressed of Europe. I said, 'Let me test it out.' I went to friends of mine, without mentioning the British people I had spoken to, without mentioning Roosevelt - I laid down this grand dream, this great plan - of the world joining together to give relief to the people pushed around by Hitler. I assure you that I was thrown out of parlors of friends of mine. And they said very frankly, and they were right from their point of view. 'Morris,' they would say, 'this is treason - you're undermining the Zionist movement.'"
(Morris L. Ernst, 1957)

"I was thrown out of parlors of friends of mine who very frankly said 'Morris, this is treason. You are undermining the Zionist movement.'"
(Morris L. Ernst, some date before 1976)

"If a peace deal is not forthcoming soon, and if Israel continues its occupation, then Israel should give the vote in Israeli elections to all Palestinians in the areas it controls. If Jews in the West Bank can vote, then Palestinians there should be able to as well. That’s what democracy means: people have the right to vote on the government that controls their lives."
(Nicholas D. Kristof, 5 October 2011)

"The Hannibal procedure is definitely the right procedure. We cannot afford now some soulmate next to Gilad Shalit."
(Zvi (Zvika) Fogel, December 2009)

"The Battalion Commander, who was a witness to the event, told us that after the Hannibal Procedure (kidnapping event) was declared, Yaniv's crew ran into the tank, despite heavy shelling on their post. They were familiar with the procedure, and without giving it a second thought, started driving. As they entered, they managed to hit a few Hezbollah positions. Contrary to what I first thought, the crew took a side trail and not a main one, until reaching the bitter end."
(Eitan Baron, 25 July 2006)

"No troop member from the 501 battalion is to be kidnapped at any cost, nor in any situation, even if this means blowing up a grenade in his possession, killing himself and those trying to kidnap him."
(An Officer From Battalion 501 Of The Golani Brigade, January 2009)

"Any "friend of Israel" is a friend of wars and the occupation. Israeli journalism practices the religion of the military and sanctifies the ritual of death."
(Gideon Levy, 4 December 2011)

"The day that a prominent African-American [Jesse Jackson, Jr.] and the son of a civil rights icon embraces a man like [Avigdor] Lieberman for the sole purpose of greasing wheels in Washington is a sad one for anyone who cares about equality and justice."
(Rashid I. al-Khalidi, August 2011)

"I’m not an Israeli citizen, but that being said, I’m part of Israel."
(Linda Gradstein, October 2011)

"What I supported as a younger politician was exactly what the whole world now supports for Israel and Palestine, namely separate nation states will be the solution. In our case we failed. There were three main reasons. We failed because the whites wanted too much land for themselves. We failed because the majority of blacks said this is not how we want our political rights. And we failed because we became economically totally integrated. We became an economic omelet and you can never again divide an omelet into the white and the yellow of the egg. And we realized in the early eighties we had landed in a place which has become morally unjustified."
(Frederik Willem de Klerk, 29 December 2011)

"I think that Israeli democracy, under its current structure, is in constant conflict with its Jewish identity, and in recent years, every time it bends its Jewish identity backwards. This structure of democracy has only one mission: to dismantle."
(Benny Katzover, 8 January 2012)

"As part of their "price tag" policy – a euphemism for a campaign of terror – the settlers have for the past two years been intermittently setting fire to mosques in the West Bank. For much of the past decade, they have been mounting regular pogrom-style attacks against isolated Palestinian villages, beating the inhabitants, setting fire to fields, uprooting olive trees, killing livestock and poisoning wells. At this time of year, during the olive season, armed gangs of settlers roam the West Bank assaulting Palestinians trying to harvest their crops."
(Jonathan Cook, December 2011)

"The Irish (Southern) are the Orientals of the West."
(Rudyard Kipling, 16 November 1901)

"I am not Israeli. The uniform that I wore in the military, unfortunately, was not an Israeli uniform. It was an American uniform, although my wife was in the IDF and one of my daughters was in the IDF... our two little boys, one of whom will be bar mitzvahed tomorrow, hopefully he'll come back – his hobby is shooting – and he'll come back and be a sniper for the IDF.
... All we care about is being good Zionists, being good citizens of Israel, because even though I am not Israeli born, Israel is in my heart.

"
(Sheldon Adelson, 7 February 2010)

"Pease claims that 45% of all individual political contributions in American campaigns are from Jewish donors. So this is really where the issue lies, it is sort of a forbiden topic, in the United States."
(Max Blumenthal, 1 February 2012)

"Victimhood is something that happens but when you turn it into an identity you're psychically and politically finished."
(Jacqueline Rose, 2012)

"[There is no room] for Israel Firsters whose chauvinism and arrogance find nothing relevant or viable in any area outside of Israel."
(Abram Leon Sachar, 2 April 1960)

"All we care about is being good Zionists, being good citizens of Israel, because even though I am not Israeli born, Israel is in my heart."
(Sheldon Adelson, 7 February 2010)

"But even if I am wrong, even if I am blind to the facts and the hatred is indeed mutual, nevertheless it is impossible to ignore what is happening to us: Palestinian children die in an accident, and many Israelis are happy about it – and are no longer even ashamed of it."
(Gideon Levy, 19 February 2012)

"As noble as their professed concern for Israel may be, the United States is supposed to come first for United States senators. McCain and Graham ought to be ashamed for standing in a foreign country and blatantly placing its government's interests before ours.
But, hey, it's politics, and what could be more important than nailing down support for the next election?"
(M. J. Rosenberg, 23 February 2012)

"The Israeli occupation targets every Palestinian who talks about Palestine and works for Palestine. The occupation targets the trees, and the stones, so it's no wonder that they target every person who defends human rights and the rights of the Palestinian people. They don't hesitate to do such things. What they are doing, forcing the Palestinians out of the lands where they were born, violates all international laws and treaties."
(Fuad Al-Khuffash, 2008)

"From December 2010 to April 2011, we saw a systematic targeting of the water infrastructure in Hebron, Bethlehem and the Jordan valley. Now, in the last couple of months, they are targeting electricity. Two villages in the area have had their electrical poles demolished. There is this systematic effort by the civil administration [the Israeli occupation authorities in the West Bank] targeting all Palestinian infrastructure in Hebron. They are hoping that by making it miserable enough, they [the Palestinians] will pick up and leave."
(UN expert speaking anonymously, March 2012)

"In my last I wrote enthusing over the Palestinian volunteers. Well, I have had time to consider and I can give you a more careful opinion. Of the 700, 350 are absolutely top-hole; of the remainder, 100 are ordinary, 50 are likely to develop, and 100 are sheer refuse and rubbish. The Jaffa colonists outclass the Halukah Jerusalemites as a shire stallion would a worn-out coster's pony. The Yemenites are for the most part undersized and rather poor-spirited natives. They are not racially Jews. They are black, long-headed, hybrid Arabs. Last Saturday I worked with JM in the library and we got hold of every authority we could, and, from the historical evidence, it is at once clear that they have but a trace of Jewish blood in them though they probably have rather more than the Falashas. The real Jew is the European Ashkenazi, and I back him against all-comers. We have a number of these poor Yemenites who ought never to have been recruited, and we are arranging to send them back, keeping those who are of better physique."
(Redcliffe N. Salaman, 19 July 1918)

"A few days ago, Israeli journalist Barak Ravid wrote that in his speech before AIPAC, Netanyahu sounded as if he, not Obama, was the real president of the United States.
Doesn't this underscore the futility of counting on America to achieve peace and justice for the Palestinians?"
(Khaled Amayreh, 8 March 2012)

"This part of Prawer’s plan is reminiscent of Ben-Gurion’s post-1948 strategy, but something more sinister might be afoot. If there are land swaps with the Palestinians in the West Bank, what could be more convenient for the Israeli government than handing over some parched Negev land with a lot of Bedouin on it?"
(Neve Gordon, 22 March 2012)

"The chief purpose of the German Land Trade League [Landhandelsbund] is to throw ridicule upon the Jewish boycott. Last week I heard a rumor that the Land Trade League was endeavoring to launch something of this kind and personally received assurance from the Zionist Organization that there was nothing whatever in it. Any agreement between Germany and palestine is naturally an agreement between Germany and Jews; therefore the Zionist Organization would be the first to hear about it. I feel sure that tonight's report has no foundation in fact. I consider it an attempt to belittle us, particularly in the eyes of the United States.""
(Walter Joseph Webber, August 1933)

"If an Arab from Shehem (Nablus) wants to become a citizen of the state of Israel, he's entitled. . . . We want a Jewish state with a large Arab minority. So what do we need to do? First of all, we're capable of keeping a Jewish majority. . . . Of course, if that majority were to break down, our situation would be a bitter one. We are not South Africa, nor Rhodesia. The Jewish minority will not rule over Arabs. . . . We have never ruled out a bi-ethnic state, and the difference is crucial. Zionism, as I have known it, has never viewed the state as mono-ethnic."
(Menachem Begin, 20 August 1967)

"But don't make me out to be a one-state advocate. In the end, it might arrive at that, but that's still a very long way off. Let's talk first about one land, one strip of ground. We are not like the Canaanite movement: we are not forgoing the State of Israel and the flag of Israel. . . . No, I don't like the status quo either because it's really not moral. It's impossible to go on like this, with a situation in which my Palestinian neighbors have to cross three checkpoints to get from one village to another. There is a distortion here - true, for security reasons, for logical reasons - but something went wrong along the way, and we can't go on accepting this. The word 'citizenship' is very national and very political. In the Eretz Shalom initiative we do not talk about citizenship, but about concepts of neighborly relations. There are no neighborly relations here, because either it's relations between enemies or we are transparent to them and they to us. And the relations that do exist are like those between horse and rider. There must be an initial basis before we talk about citizenship and a judicial system. We need to speak their language and we can even have a joint swimming pool here, because both they and we need separation between men and women. That may be a bit far off, but we have to think first about everyday life. I know that sounds like conditional citizenship - saying they must first be my good neighbors and then I will grant them rights - but I really do want to talk about a process that starts from below. . . . Demography is definitely a threat, but the other threat is bigger. The harder price is to cut up this country, with one part topographically higher than the other. I can't speak with the Israeli public now about citizenship and Palestinians on the beach in Tel Aviv, because that's a threat to the public. The whole situation now is wrong. We made a mistake, we arrived at the wrong place and we have a long way to go, but in the end there has to be one space here. We will yet talk about one state, but in the meantime we can talk about one land."
(Emily Amrousi, July 2010)

"For me, it was over: I had thought it was possible to believe both in an independent Algeria and the state of Israel. I was wrong."
(Claude Lanzmann, March 2012)

"“Shoah” was not Lanzmann’s idea. It was commissioned, in 1973, by Alouph Hareven, a friend of Lanzmann’s in the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs, who, having seen “Israel, Why,” suggested that Lanzmann make a film about the Holocaust from “the viewpoint of the Jews,” a film that is not “about the Shoah, but a film that is the Shoah.”"
(Richard Brody, 19 March 2012)

"Everybody is somebody’s Jew, and today the Palestinians are the Jews of the Israelis"
(Primo Levi, 1982)

"The British Declaration was made in the form in which the Zionists desired it, and the last clauses were added in order to appease a certain section of timid anti-Zionist opinion."
(Jessie E. Sampter, 1920, reprinted 2004)

"For a short period, too short a period, we smelled the blossoms of true freedom. This was from 1966, when Israel abolished its military government in Arab areas, until the establishment of the military government in the occupied territories a year later. It was a period of freedom from official discrimination against the Palestinian minority at our mercy. Freedom from the fear of a neighbor and the terror of the demographic demon."
(Akiva Eldar, 2 April 2012)

"No government in Israel has the right to give up Greater Israel"
(Whole Land of Israel Movement, 22 September 1967)

"Of course, Oren does not mention the Christians who lived in the country before 1948 and fled the horrors of war or were expelled by us - and who, like their Muslim compatriots, were not allowed to return to their homes after the establishment of the state."
(Amira Hass, 26 March 2012)

"The biggest problem with Mr. Oren's analysis, however, is that it stands in sharp disagreement with the perspectives shared by those he presumably wants to protect. Mr. Oren seeks to speak for Palestinian Christians before he has spoken with them."
(Robert O. Smith, March 2012)

"We must not continue to deceive ourselves and our people. The chance for the establishment of a real Palestinian state, that would be truly viable and enjoy territorial continuity, is over. We therefore must seek an alternative, namely the establishment of a unitary state between the River Jordan and the Mediterranean in which all people can live equally as citizens irrespective of their religion of ethnicity."
(Ahmad Qurei, March 2012)

"But [Günter] Grass' comparison of Israel and Iran is unfair, because unlike Iran, Israel has never threatened to wipe another country off the map. And contrary to Grass' sanctimonious verses, under no circumstances would a military action against Iran lead to the extermination of the Iranian people, because as far as we know, it would exclusively target the country's nuclear facilities."
(Tom Segev, 5 April 2012)

"... the New York Times is pretty antsy now. You know, they have been very pro-Israel, and I believe that the management of The Times is beginning to realize, that if it becomes clear to the American people, that the Israelis get us into a war that cannot be won, that has immense casualties, that would shoot the price up $10/gallon, that... you know... you want anti-semitism? Wow. Then you will have a real outbreak of that type of thing. The NYT doesn’t want that."
(Ray McGovern, 3 April 2012)

"We shall migrate to Palestine in order to constitute a majority here. If there be need - we shall take by force; if the country be too small - we shall expand the boundaries."
(David Ben-Gurion, 21 August 1944)

"Statements such as this ... by high Jewish circles in Palestine following so shortly on attempt on High Commissioner’s life, can hardly pass unnoticed in the Middle East, and opinion here may begin to wonder if HMG are either impotent to resist such threats or even willing to condone them."
(Lord Moyne, 26 August 1944)

"Living under the shadow of the Holocaust and expecting forgiveness for everything they will do in the name of their suffering seems coarse. They have learned nothing from the suffering of their parents and their grandparents."
(José Saramago, some date before 2010, probably 2002)

"We [the left] have our meshugayim... Our meshugayim really are disloyal, they really don't care about security, they really are individual, they're not collectivists, they really act in such a way as if they don't know that the whole world is listening in to the Jewish conversation. It really is true... These people are an embarrassment to us. In fact in my mind they too are the enemy."
(Steven M. Cohen, March 2012)

"We are faced with a problem, and that problem is the contradiction between Zionism, Judaism, on the one hand, and western democracy on the other. . . I think it is contempt for the Arab to state that a good Arab would accept living in the State of Israel. What Arab wants to live in a state which defines itself legally de jure as the Jewish State. . . What Arab citizen of Israel, stands up every morning and thinks of the fact that his national anthem, Hatikvah, speaks such words as nefesh yehudi homiyah, the soul of a Jew yearns. What Arab can sing those words? . . . I understand that no Israeli Arab on Independence Day runs out into the streets to celebrate his defeat. I understand that. I understand that when an Arab lives in a state that has a law of return which applies to Jews only, he isn’t happy about that. And I understand that if Israel would be a western democracy which allows Arabs and Jews to have equal rights, political rights, that some day they could become the majority, and then there will not be a Jewish State, for no Arab, no self-respecting Arab, and they are all self-respecting Arabs, they all have national pride, no Arab if he has a majority will ever agree to live in a state that calls itself the Jewish State. And there will be a law of return for Arabs, and rightly so, under democracy."
(Meir Kahane, 25 March 1985)

"Beinart & co. start with the assumption that the concept of a Jewish State is etched in stone, and then work backward to figure out why. If their starting point were that equality in the land of one’s birth truly is an inalienable right, they would arrive at a very different conclusion. You can say 'Jewish and democratic state' 10, 100 or 1000 times fast, but Meir Kahane, of all people, knew an oxymoron when he heard one."
(David Samel, 4 April 2012)

"Think about it. Dershowitz says he is a liberal and a Democrat but will go to war against a Democratic president (with whom he agrees on virtually every domestic American issue) because an organization that he says is close to that president employed has a staffer who opposes Israeli government policies. In other words, the well-being of every American matters less to Dershowitz than one critic of Israeli policies. What is that definition of Israel Firster again?"
(M. J. Rosenberg, 7 April 2012)

"that Zionism has been the main cause of our troubles in the Middle East, and that they should make some declaration in the hope of thereby allaying Arab animosity. I am not in favour of pursuing this suggestion of his. I doubt whether Jewish leaders would wish to make such a declaration and the situation in the Middle East has now passed the point when a conciliatory move by the Jews, which might have had a useful effect some time ago, would have any chance with the Arabs."
(Anthony Eden, 2/6/1941)

"Netanyahu and settlers are using Oslo to take over West Bank's vast Area C, also known as 'ours'."
(Akiva Eldar, 10 April 2012)

"Zionists and their sympathizers control vast chunks of the mainstream media in the EU's three largest countries: Germany, France and Britain."
(David Cronin, 9 April 2012)

"For once report the truth. Don't you see that there is no declaration of war here, but a declaration of peace?"
(Henning Mankell, 2011)

"The real question is not whether the solution is "two states" or "one state." History in any case does not recognize end points - every stage leads to another. Visions are also not lacking. The visions must develop and change during the struggle for equality and justice, otherwise they will become gulags. The question was, and is, how much more bloodshed, suffering and disasters will be needed until the Jewish regime of discrimination and separation, which we have created here over the past 64 years, crumbles."
(Amira Hass, 11 April 2012)

"The question was, and is, how much more bloodshed, suffering and disasters will be needed until the Jewish regime of discrimination and separation, which we have created here over the past 64 years, crumbles."
(Amira Hass, 11 April 2012)

"A group of members from kibbutzim in the region, including me, started to investigate. We went out and toured the area, and were stunned by the dimensions of the wreckage, and by the number of persons who were expelled. The IDF and the government denied the facts that we presented, and claimed that they had merely evacuated a few nomads from state lands onto which the nomads had recently encroached."
(Oded Lipschits, February 2002)

"[Iran's leaders] all come basically ideologically, religiously with the statement that Israel is an unnatural creature, it will not survive. They didn't say 'we'll wipe it out', you are right, but it will not survive, it is a cancerous tumor, it should be removed."
(Dan Meridor, April 2012)

"For the Palestinian Authority—now stripped of all meaningful authority—cannot continue to honor agreements while Israel refuses to even acknowledge its commitments. The P.A. is no longer as was agreed and this situation cannot continue."
(Mahmoud Abbas, April 2012)

"[Ias] stood in place and [Eisner] suddenly approached and hit him with his rifle. I am prepared to give all the video material to anyone who will investigate the incident and bring the truth to light."
(Bakr Abdul-Haq, 16 April 2012)

"[I was] participating in a peaceful activity, a bike ride through the Jordan Valley to visit different Palestinian villages. We were stopped by the Israeli army at Road 90. This road is in ‘Area C’ and they say that we have no permission to be there, so we stopped our bike ride . . . The Israeli army blocked our way, so we waited for half an hour and then we decided to try to walk peacefully toward the soldiers and try to pass them… they reacted immediately with brutal violence. A soldier punched me in my face with his M-16 rifle; I fell to the ground and was carried away from the scene, into the ambulance."
(Andreas Ias, 16 April 2012)

"But being a liberal philanthropist is just one side of Klarman. He is also an Israel lobbyist who is just as rightwing as Sheldon Adelson, the casino owner who supports the Republican Party. Klarman gives money to settler groups: the Central Fund of Israel,which pays for settlers' "security needs" in the occupied West Bank, and Ir David, which is digging up East Jerusalem and displacing Palestinians. He gives $1 million in a year to Birthright, the program to send young American Jews to Israel to fall in love with the Jewish state. He supports the rightwing propaganda organization, the Israel Project (he's on their board), gives big money to the Friends of the Israeli Defense Forces, and to top it off, Klarman is chairman of the board of the David Project, the group that has targeted Arab and Muslim intellectuals on college campuses."
(Philip Weiss, 30 November 2011)

"In the past, when the [US] government wanted to do something illegal it simply went ahead and broke the law. [...] They knew they were breaking the law when they decided to go after the activists with COINTELPRO in the 1960s but they rationalized that they were doing it for a higher purpose. This is different. The government is destroying the legal framework of our country. They are twisting it out of recognition to make it appear as though what they're doing is legal. I don't remember that kind of a situation in the past. The opinions of the court are now only lame excuses as to why the courts can't do justice."
(Stephen F. Downs, 16 April 2012)

"I can only thank Günter Grass for making a minimal gesture that Germany should take measures not to remain complicit in the destruction of Arab or Persian life."
(Susan J. Abulhawa, 14 April 2012)

"Did I post letter bombs? Unfortunately, the Belgian police got me before I could so so. They are a Stern Gang patent, you know . . . Belgian experts said they were deadly. I'm sorry none of them was delivered."
(Betty Knouth, 24 August 1948)

"Scotland Yard could give you very precise details about that [my involvement with the bomb in the Colonial Office], but I don't consider this the right time to talk about it. We are still at war with Britain. But my terrorist days are over and done with now."
(Betty Knouth, 24 August 1948)

"I consider it the non-Jew's duty to help the Jews and the Palestinian [i.e., Zionist] cause"
(Jean-Paul Sartre, 13 February 1948)

"The global media wouldn't care at all if a Palestinian had been hit in the face with a rifle."
(Andreas Ias, published 20 April 2012)

"The cause of unrest in Palestine, and the only cause, arises from the Zionist movement, and from our promises and pledges in regard to it. But for these promises, and this movement, there is no doubt that the garrison maintained at the British expense in Palestine could be sensibly reduced."
(Winston S. Churchill, 14 June 1921)

"There have been brought into Palestine under the Zionist scheme of immigration about 7,000 Jews. This immigration and the propaganda by which it has been accompanied has greatly alarmed and excited the Arab population. It is not so much the number of the immigrants which has created the alarm, but the continuous and ardent declarations of the Zionist organisations throughout the world—which they have a perfect right to make—of their hope and aim of making Palestine a predominantly Jewish country, peopled by Jews from all over the world, and also the fear that these Jews will come principally from Central Europe, and particularly from Russia. The Arabs believe that in the next few years they are going to be swamped by scores of thousands of immigrants from Central Europe, who will push them off the land, eat up the scanty substance of the country and eventually gain absolute control of its institutions and destinies. As a matter of fact these fears are illusory. The Zionists in order to obtain the enthusiasm and the support which they require are bound to state their case with the fullest ardour, conviction and hope, and it is these declarations which alarm the Arabs, and not the actual dimensions of the immigration which has taken place or can take place in practice."
(Winston S. Churchill, 14 June 1921)

"These words (national home) mean that the Jews, who are a people scattered throughout the world, but whose hearts are 286 always turning to Palestine, should he enabled to found here their home, and that some amongst them, within the limits fixed by numbers and the interests of the present population, should come to Palestine in order to help by their resources and efforts to develop the country to the advantage of all its inhabitants."
(Herbert Samuel, June 1921)

"This country has a long tradition of friendship with the Arabs, a friendship that has been proved by deeds, not words alone. We have countless well-wishers amongst them, as they have many friends here. Some days ago I said in the House of Commons that His Majesty's Government had great sympathy with Syrian aspirations for independence. I should like to repeat that now. But I would go further. The Arab World has made great strides since the settlement reached at the end of the last war, and many Arab thinkers desire for the Arab peoples a greater degree of unity than they now enjoy. In reaching out towards this unity, they hope for our support. No such appeal from our friends should go unanswered. It seems to me both natural and right that the cultural and economic ties, too, should be strengthened. His Majesty's Government for their part will give their full support to any scheme that commands general approval."
(Anthony Eden, 29 May 1941)

"He [von Hentig] was largely responsible for the popularization of a slogan still harped upon in the repetitious technique of Goebbels: "Bissama Allah oua alard Hitler" (In Heaven Allah, on earth Hitler.)"
(C. L. Sulzberger, July 1942)

"We will not leave [for Madagascar] because Poland is our country."
(Arieh Tartakower, June 1937)

"Maybe my life spent in a New Jersey-New York/Bay Area-L.A. pro-Semitic cocoon has left me naive. But I don't care if Americans think we're running the news media, Hollywood, Wall Street or the government. I just care that we get to keep running them."
(Joel Stein, 25 April 2012)

"Eisenhower was concerned that there was collusion going on between the French and the Israelis. He said 'I'll G2 my friends if I have to.' G2 means intelligence, that he was going to use intelligence techniques to determine what was going on and that was the use of the U2."
(Dino Brugioni, 2006)

"I have come to the conclusion that Her Majesty's Government has been involved in an international conspiracy."
(William Yates, 1 November 1956)

"Einstein ist, wie Sie wissen, kein Zionist in unserem Sinne, und ich bitte Sie, auch keinen Versuch zu machen, ihn zum Anschluß an unsere Organisation zu bewegen."
(Kurt Blumenfeld, 29 March 1921)

"Einstein, as you know, is no Zionist, and I ask you not to try to make him a Zionist or to try to attach him to our organization."
(Kurt Blumenfeld, March 1921)

"Einstein ist, wie Sie wissen, kein Zionist und ich bitte Sie, auch keinen Versuch zu machen, ihn zum Anschluß an unsere Organisation zu bewegen."
(Kurt Blumenfeld, 15 March 1921)

"The special interest of the British Empire in Palestine is due to the proximity of the Suez Canal."
(New Statesman staff, 1918)

"We speak of Palestine as a country, but it is not a country; it is at present little more than a small district of the vast Ottoman tyranny. But it will be a country; it will be the country of the Jews. That is the meaning of the letter which we publish to-day written by Mr Balfour to Lord Rothschild for communication to the Zionist Federation."
(C P Scott, 7 November 1917)

"Under cover of the victim's cloak that history has admittedly sewn for us Jews, we are witness to the systematic violation of the rights of non-Jews in the State of Israel and the occupied territories."
(Nir Baram, 2 May 2010)

"There are many things that we don't talk about. Just a few kilometers from here is the separation barrier, and in recent years we have seen the systematic confiscation of the rights of non-Jews in Israel and the territories."
(Nir Baram, 2 May 2010)

"In light of what happened with Nir Baram, we asked this year's authors to give us the text of their speeches. [Baram's speech in 2010] was a production error on our part, even though I don't think my job is to put up barriers and engage in censorship. [If I had seen Baram's speech in advance, I] might have tried to convince him [to change it]."
(Tal Kremer, 30 April 2012)

"People are cowed at the thought of taking on the shrieking Israel absolutists, the ones who imagine themselves every day saving six million lives and their critics as hastening the slaughter."
(Rick Perlstein, 2 May 2012)

"The evacuation of the buildings [at Ulpana] could carry social, political and operational ramifications for construction in Beit El and other settlements."
(Israeli Government, 27 April 2012)

"The bottom line is that Israel has decided embark on a new and dangerous phase, one that violates not only international law, but Israel’s own self-tailored laws that were designed to colonize the occupied territories. It appears that even those precarious ‘laws’ are no longer capable of meeting the colonial appetite of Israeli settlers and the ruling class."
(Ramzy Baroud, 3 May 2012)

"[This is] an announcement of war by the Israeli government against the rule of law ... they said clearly that they have reached a decision not to evacuate illegal construction on private Palestinian property."
(Michael Sfard, 27 April 2012)

"On 4 January 2009, soldiers gathered about 100 members of the extended a-Samuni family in the house of Wael a-Samuni, in the a-Zeitun neighborhood of Gaza City. The next morning, at 6:30 A.M., when a few members of the family tried to leave the house, the military fired a missile or shell at them, killing Muhammad a-Samuni and wounding two other persons. A few seconds later, the military fired two more shells or missiles that hit the house directly. The house collapsed on its occupants, killing 21 persons, including many women and children, and injuring dozens of other family members."
(B'Tselem, 1 May 2012)

"The window has not closed in terms of the Israelis if they choose to act on their own militarily [against Iran]. I would not contract out my security to anybody, even a loyal, loyal, loyal friend like the United States."
(Joseph R. Biden, Jr., 8 May 2012)

"It is likely that efforts will be made by some Zionist leaders to obtain from you . . . commitments in favor of . . . unlimited Jewish immigration into Palestine and the establishment of a Jewish state. As you are aware, the Government and the people of the United States have every sympathy for the persecuted Jews. . . . The question of Palestine is, however, a highly complex one and . . . therefore, I believe you would probably want to call for full and detailed information on the subject before taking any particular position . . . There is continual tenseness in the situation . . . and as we have interests in the area which are vital to the United States, we feel that this whole subject is one that should be handled with the greatest care."
(Edward Stettinius, 18 April 1945)

"The striped pants boys [the US State Department] warned me, in effect, to watch my step. They thought I really didn’t understand what was going on over there [Palestine]."
(Harry S. Truman, 1945)

"The President [Truman] went against his advisers’ foreign policy [on Palestine] and chose to follow the promptings of those who were primarily interested in retaining Democratic majorities in Congress."
(James Reston, 7 October 1946)

"This Christian fundamentalist orientation blended with a general cultural and religious outlook (shared by a majority of Americans) that identified the United States with the biblical myth of Hebrews conquering their 'promised land.' This story line had been alive in the U.S. mind since the days of puritans and pilgrim settlers. It had been used to rationalize the movement westward and give a religious flavor to U.S. 'manifest destiny.' From the 1920s onward, U.S. Zionists made use of this identification. They tirelessly asserted a similarity between the U.S. pioneer experience and the experience of Zionist settlers in Palestine. In the process they described the Palestinian Arabs as the equivalent of American Indian 'barbarians.'"
(Lawrence Davidson, Summer 2010)

"Had ten minutes conversation with Henry Morgenthau about Jewish ship in Palistine [sic]. Told him I would talk to Gen[eral] Marshall about it. He'd no business, whatever to call me. The Jews have no sense of proportion nor do they have any judgement on world affairs. Henry brought a thousand Jews to New York on a supposedly temporary basis and they stayed. When the country went backward-and Republican in the election of 1946, this incident loomed large on the D[isplaced] P[ersons] program. The Jews, I find are very, very selfish. They care not how many Estonians, Latvians, Finns, Poles, Yugoslavs or Greeks get murdered or mistreated as D[isplaced] P[ersons] as long as the Jews get special treatment. Yet when they have power, physical, financial or political neither Hitler nor Stalin has anything on them for cruelty or mistreatment to the under dog. Put an underdog on top and it makes no difference whether his name is Russian, Jewish, Negro, Management, Labor, Mormon, Baptist he goes haywire. I've found very, very few who remember their past condition when prosperity comes."
(Harry S. Truman, 21 July 1947)

"The Government and people of the United States have given support to the concept of a Jewish National Home in Palestine ever since the termination of the first World War, which resulted in the freeing of a large area of the Near East, including Palestine, and the establishment of a number of independent states which are now members of the United Nations. The United States, which contributed its blood and resources to the winning of that war, could not divest itself of a certain responsibility for the manner in which the freed territories were disposed of, or for the fate of the peoples liberated at that time. It took the position, to which it still adheres, that these peoples should be prepared for self-government and also that a national home for the Jewish people should be established in Palestine. I am happy to note that most of the liberated peoples are now citizens of independent countries. The Jewish National Home, however, has not as yet been fully developed. It is only natural, therefore, that this Government should favor at this time the entry into Palestine of considerable numbers of displaced Jews in Europe, not only that they may find shelter there, but also that they may contribute their talents and energies to the upbuilding of the Jewish National Home."
(Harry S. Truman, 28 October 1946)

"Mark Regev, a spokesman for the Israeli prime minister, says there is understanding between the government and the Bedouins that the situation is untenable. He insists, contrary to what is laid out in the proposed legislation, the Negev herders will be offered a choice to move to a town or rural village."
(Phoebe Greenwood, 9 May 2012)

"First, I said, a real Israeli leftist believes that Israel is unequivocally in the wrong in holding on to any of the Occupied Palestinian Territories (the OPT) and must therefore vacate all those lands unilaterally. Secondly, a real Israeli leftist recognizes the Palestinian right of return. (Rights, as we know, can be realized in various ways; and when there is a clash between rights, solutions have to be worked out. But before any realizations and solutions can come about, the rights must be recognized.) And finally, a real Israeli leftist puts the democratic values that Israel purports to ascribe to before the Jewish values that it insists on ascribing to when these are in conflict."
(Anat Biletzki, 9 May 2012)

"Would you really want an Arab living next door to you?"
(Avraham Shohat, March 2001)

"This is the last straw for the peace agreement with Egypt. The Camp David Treaty is worthless without Egyptian gas"
(Binyamin Ben-Eliezer, April 2012)

"This is a moment of danger… We are the only constituency in America making this [anti-Iranian] case."
(David Victor, 4 May 2009)

"The Palestinians, frankly, are a ragtag people, many who barely speak English. And whatever they say is often offensive and then used against them."
(Ziad J. Asali, 1 August 2007)

"Many who follow the issue have known for some time that Congress, generally speaking, will unhesitatingly do anything to benefit Israel and its supporters, be damned the consequences for the rest of us. That they do it without any public scrutiny is unforgivable and is as much the fault of the media as it is of the devious ways of America's legislature. If Congress wants to give Israel the type of guarantees that would require Washington to support Tel Aviv's foreign and security policy, there should be a free and open debate with the American people understanding clearly what such a commitment means in terms of costs and consequences, not a "suspension of rules" stealth legislative package."
(Philip Giraldi, 17 May 2012)

"The New York Times is said to be the best newspaper in the world, but when it comes to Middle East coverage, it is one of the worst."
(James G. Abourezk, 18 May 2012)

"Since the beginning of the second Intifada at least 6,444 Palestinians have been killed by the Israeli security forces.
During this time no Jewish Israeli soldier has been charged with murder for killing a Palestinian."
(Killing Without Consequence, 1 May 2012)

"I spent 13 months in prison for exercising my right to protest, and have now been convicted based on the testimony of a 15 year-old who was instructed by his interrogators to incriminate me. I never had any illusions about the military court and its ability to serve justice – it is, after all, an instrument of the Occupation."
(Bassem Tamimi, 21 May 2012)

"At present the Education Ministry is also the Mental Health Ministry, which inoculates entire generations against the Black Plague of post-Zionism."
(Yossi Sarid, 25 May 2012)

"Israel has no right to exist. Break that mental barrier and just say it: "Israel has no right to exist." Roll it around your tongue, tweet it, post it as your Facebook status update – do it before you think twice. Delegitimization is here – have no fear. Palestine will be less painful than Israel ever was."
(Sharmine Narwani, 17 May 2012)

"My administration is more attentive to Israel than to Palestinians."
(Barack Obama, 5 June 2012)

"Occupation Hebrew is made of plastic. It masks the violence at its foundation just as a boneless chicken cutlet, cleaned and coated in bread crumbs, reveals nothing about the slaughter that brought it to our plate. And what sort of language do we use to communicate with those whom we occupy? Unlike the Hebrew we use among ourselves to discuss the occupation, the government's 3.5 million Palestinian subjects are addressed using blunt force. The Civil Administration's commanders convey their messages using bulldozers, fences, roadblocks and rifle barrels."
(Michael Sfard, 12 June 2012)

"The occupation addresses its subjects not in words, but in deed. It is not a language designed for dialogue, but for an extended speech in which the speaker acts and the listener is acted upon. This is the lingua franca common among Palestinians and Israeli soldiers."
(Michael Sfard, 12 June 2012)

"From kindergarten to old age we feed our children hatred, suspicion and disgust toward the stranger and the other, and especially toward the Arabs."
(Revital Hovel, 26 June 2012)

"Islamophobia has gained many followers in the Jewish establishment and at this point has infected American Jewish life. The neocons are to a large extent responsible for that. And they did this at the price of alienating the younger generation, which is falling away."
(Henry Siegman, 13 June 2012)

"There can be no peace without justice, and justice means decolonization, allowing the implementation of the right of return for Palestinian refugees, and obliterating all the racist laws and policies of Israeli apartheid and occupation. That means no Jewish state, no supremacist laws and no different systems for people of different ethnic backgrounds."
(Linah Alsaafin, 10 July 2012)

"Israeli activists must work within their own societies and communities. Of course this will be a very difficult and even dangerous task, as one would expect in a society where racism and fascism are so institutionalized.
To Palestinians, that would make the difference, not swamping weekly protests that don't hold much credibility with Palestinians in the first place, and sometimes even outnumbering the Palestinian participants."
(Linah Alsaafin, 10 July 2012)

"Oppressed people do not and should not have to explain their oppression to their oppressor, nor tailor their resistance to the comfort of the oppressors and their supporters."
(Linah Alsaafin, 10 July 2012)

"A nation perpetually at war will inevitably wind up losing all its freedoms and end up at war with itself. Will the United States even survive four more years of this insanity?"
(Philip Giraldi, 19 July 2012)

"Imperialism has penetrated so deeply into the core of what it means to be Jewish that calling them out provokes an intense reaction. It's like a traumatic wound that cannot withstand the light of day. Like the idea that Jewish history has collapsed and that our post-Holocaust era is marked by atrocity, then – against us – and now – against others."
(Marc H. Ellis, 6 July 2012)

"But then look at the place Norman Finkelstein has landed. He’s so taken with the idea of International Law that he’s trapped there. The argument between BDS and Finkelstein seems trapped there, too. Which side better represents the thrust of International Law, as if that law had been handed down from heaven? Is International Law carved on Sinai-like tablets?

The admonition here is clear, at least to me: Don't get stuck in any ism – International Law(ism), Universal(ism), Particular(ism). Why not use them all, mixing and matching, where one enhances the other, multiplying the possibilities. Of justice around the corner. Because none of them as they are has provided much leverage, politically speaking. Or, to be honest, all of them combined. When we realize that we have lost everything and that there is no victory on the horizon, we are free to spread our wings and fly to our next destination."
(Marc H. Ellis, 11 July 2012)

"If I were a Palestinian listening to the Presbyterian votes on my fate – with the wonderful voting pad and colorful graphics showing the percentage of the votes cast – I wouldn't hold my breath waiting for others to come to my aid, even those with the best of intentions. Then to be betrayed by parts of your own Palestinian community, as is sometimes the case. Well, it must be somewhat like the Jews of Europe waiting on the world to act. Waiting on Jewish leadership to act. Often betrayed from within."
(Marc H. Ellis, 12 July 2012)

"Should you encounter the enemy, he will be defeated! No quarter will be given! Prisoners will not be taken! Whoever falls into your hands is forfeited. Just as a thousand years ago the Huns under their King Attila made a name for themselves, one that even today makes them seem mighty in history and legend, may the name German be affirmed by you in such a way in China that no Chinese will ever again dare to look cross-eyed at a German."
(Frederick Wilhelm Viktor Albert von Hohenzollern, 27 July 1900)

"He [Bishop G. F. Graham Brown] had a long interview with Montgomery and came back absolutely bewildered. To every question, he said, Monty had but one reply: 'I shall shoot them.' 'The man is blood mad,' the bishop moaned across my office table."
(Edward Keith-Roach, 1994)

"The man [Bernard Montgomery] is blood mad."
(G F Graham Brown, 1938)

"Long before the Palestinians themselves understood what was the essence of the Israeli master plan to expel them, and the far-reaching implications of the country's ethnic cleansing, the perpetrators themselves found an adequate term in Arabic to describe it: Nakba (catastrophe).
The term was mentioned for the first time not in Arab or Palestinian sources but in Israeli military intelligence sources. It appeared in leaflets the Israeli air force distributed during those ten days in July on the eve of a very singular attack on a village or a town."
(Ilan Pappe, 20 July 2012)

"Nakba 2012 – in contrast to Nakba 1948 – is done through municipal master-planning, administrative regulations and special police forces. It is incremental and bureaucratic and hence off the radar of a world that anyway does not seem to care much."
(Ilan Pappe, 20 July 2012)

"You are responsible for maintaining order in Athens and for neutralising or destroying all EAM-ELAS bands approaching the city ... Do not however hesitate to act as if you were in a conquered city where a local rebellion is in progress."
(Winston S. Churchill, 5 December 1944)

"Do not however hesitate to act as if you were in a conquered city where a local rebellion is in progress. . . . We have to hold and dominate Athens. It would be a great thing for you to succeed in this without bloodshed if possible, but also with bloodshed if necessary."
(Winston S. Churchill, 5 December 1944)

"I had in my mind Arthur Balfour's celebrated telegram in the eighties to the British authorities in Ireland: 'Don't hesitate to shoot.' This was sent through the open telegraph offices. There was a furious strom about it in the House of Commons of those days, but it certainly prevented loss of life. It was one of the key stepping-stones by which Balfour advanced to power and control."
(Winston S. Churchill, 1953)

"The most important thing we need people to know is that the US government has a certain view of Middle East policy. If anybody has an opinion opposing this policy, the government will use its legal system against them. The courts will yield to the government's wishes and overlook, and even violate, all the legal and constitutional rights of the individual. They'll hand him a harsh sentence just to please the government, knowing, without a doubt, that he didn't violate US law. Especially if that person is a Muslim or an Arab or a Palestinian or from Gaza."
(Bayan Elashi, 26 July 2012)

"How many Israelis ask themselves why they remain in a country that has become the most dangerous place for Jews? And who is prepared to recommend to a beloved relative that she should come home and raise her children here?"
(Akiva Eldar, 30 July 2012)

"Muhammad Ali Shah Qajar was perhaps the most perverted, cowardly, and vice-sodden monster that had disgraced the throne of Persia in many generations. He hated and despised his subjects from the beginning of his career, and from having a notorious scoundrel for his Russian tutor, he easily became the avowed tool and satrap of the Russian Government and its agent in Persia for stamping out the rights of the people."
(William Morgan Shuster, 1912)

"Israelis might wake up in 10 years time and find out that suddenly the international community has changed, and that patience for continuing the status quo has reduced. Support for Israel is starting to erode and that's not about these people on the fringe who are shouting loudly and calling for boycotts and all the rest of it. The interesting category are those members of parliament in the middle, and in that group I see a shift. The problem is not hasbara. The center ground, the majority, the British public may not be expert but they are not stupid and they see a stream of announcement about new building in settlements, they read stories about what's going on in the West Bank, they read about restrictions in Gaza. The substance of what's going wrong is really what's driving this."
(Matthew Gould, 2 August 2012)

"The 1929 Western Wall rebellion must have shaken Ben-Gurion's belief to the core, because in a lecture that came in its wake he made an admission, half-hearted to be sure, that was unprecedented and was not to be heard again until after the Oslo Accords were signed. Some of our colleagues deny the existence of a national movement among the Arabs ... It is true that the Arab [Palestinian] national movement lacks any positive content. The leaders of the movement do not care for the education of the people ... no one is taking care of the fellah; on the contrary, the heads of the movement suck his blood and exploit the popular awakening to their own interests . . . But we shall make a mistake if we measure the Arabs and their movement by our own measures. Every people has the national movement that it deserves. The sine qua non of a political [read: national] movement is that it can draw masses to its cause. From this point of view there is no doubt that we face a political movement. This astonishing discovery on the part of Ben-Gurion did not mean that from now on he was willing to accommodate some rights of this movement into his ideology. It only meant that apparently it was impossible to turn the Palestinian Arab into a Zionist. But he believed that it was possible to convince the Palestinians that it was a lost cause, a waste of time, trying to resist Zionism."
(Haim Gerber, 2005)

"I believe that the basic point of Zionism cannot be denied simply because every human group defining itself as a nation has a right to a piece of land under its feet. This of course means that the Palestinians' right is no less than that of the Zionists. While the Palestinians in 1882 certainly had the right of self-determination, the Jews too had such a right to a piece of land, and since nobody offered any other land, they were justified in grabbing what they could. Ancient rights of occupation, not to say divine promises, that Zionism usually claim as legitimizing principles, are of course of no value: they left their land for two millenia of their own volition. It is not known that any government before about 1890 forbade their return. The bottom line of my position is that it could have been expected for Zionism in 1882 (or 1897) to admit the existence of another people (or a people-in-the-making) in Palestine and to claim only part of the land."
(Haim Gerber, 2005)

"[If you (David Ben-Gurion) envisage] the absorption of 2,000,000 Jews, could you not take back 1,000,000 Arabs?"
(Dag Hammarskjold, February 1959)

"Darin forderte Hentig die arabischen Staaten auf, mit ihren Protesten gegen die Bonner Wiedergutmachungspolitik fortzufahren, um die ohnehin schwache Position der Adenauer-Regierung weiter zu untergraben."
(Eckart Conze, 2010)

"These people [the Persians] have got to be taught — at whatever cost to them — that they cannot get on without us. I don't at all mind their noses being rubbed in the dust. They deserve anything."
(George Nathaniel Curzon, 30 May 1922)

"Rhodesia was an empty country which had no population, it is not a land burdened with a great tradition. It is not a land which is in the centre of great historic movements. It is a land in which capital must be invested and capital has been invested, and there are large territories there without owners on which a loan can be raised. Cecil Rhodes attained these in this manner: created a Trust and formed a Chartered Company, and today Rhodesia stands in the family of nations. And if Palestine were Rhodesia, I believe Jabotinsky would have had no argument with the present Executive. But Palestine is not Rhodesia, and that is the crux of the matter."
(Chaim Weizmann, 23 August 1925)

"The key lay in establishing at Jewish initiative a genuine friendship and cooperation with the Arabs of the Near East. (Enthusiastic applause.) Palestine must be built without violating one iota the legitimate rights of the Arabs. The Zionist Congress should not limit itself to 'Platonic' formulas. The Congress must learn the truth that Palestine is not Rhodesia, and that 600000 Arabs live there, who, according to the world community's sense of justice, have exactly the same right as we have to a National Home. (Applause.) ."
(Chaim Weizmann, August 1925)

"The key issue is one of equality. If two children, a Palestinian and an Israeli, are caught throwing stones at each other, then one will be processed in a juvenile justice system and one in a military court."
(Gerard Horton, 14 August 2012)

"By then [2005] I had served the community professionally for 26 years. A Zionist for decades, I was one no longer. But I wished passionately that Israel would become a democratic state for all its citizens, end the occupation, recognise the Palestinians' right of return, and acknowledge that Israel's establishment in 1948 was a Nakba, a catastrophe, for the Palestinians."
(Antony Lerman, 20 August 2012)

"The existence of the Zionist regime is an insult to all humanity."
(Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, 17 August 2012)

"Apartheid is an insult to humanity. It must be ended and it would be better for all concerned if the issue does not have to be decided by a racial Armageddon."
(editorial writer for Lodi News-Sentinel, 11 December 1979)

"The apartheid policies of the Government of South Africa are a flagrant violation of the principles of the United Nations Charter, as well as being an insult to humanity."
(representatives of 20 African and Asian countries at the 1963 General Conference of the International Atomic Energy Agency, 1 October 1963)

"There is a division of labour between [Hamas premier Ismail] Haniya and Abu Mazen. Haniya and [exiled Hamas chief] Khaled Meshaal are leading armed terrorism, Abu Mazen leads diplomatic terrorism and I'm not sure which is more dangerous to us."
(Avigdor Lieberman, 23 August 2012)

"[When] we ask God to 'bring an end to our enemies', we should be thinking about Iran, those evil ones who threaten Israel. May the Lord destroy them."
(Ovadiah Yosef, 25 August 2012)

"We must not, as an army, allow such incidents to disrupt the ongoing missions. We are aware of the problem of the foreigners in this area and, as a policy, we do not halt activity because of the presence of foreigners in the area in order to avoid creating a dangerous precedent... But again, this incident was unavoidable and these foreigners should be dealt with and prevented from entering the Strip."
(Sh R, 16 March 2003)

"That summer [2003], a report by Chris McGreal for The Guardian documented in detail incidents of Palestinian children being killed by the Israeli army. A military spokesperson told McGreal that he could not name the IDF commander in Gaza in his article, since "he has admitted his soldiers were responsible for at least some of those killings" and "in this day and age that raises the prospect of war crimes, not here but if he travels abroad he could be arrested sometime in the future". That commander, of course, was Col Zuaretz."
(Ben White, 27 August 2012)

"[You cannot name this commander (Pinchas Zuaretz).] He has admitted his soldiers were responsible for at least some of those killings. In this day and age that raises the prospect of war crimes, not here but if he travels abroad he could be arrested some time in the future. Some people might think there is something wrong here."
(Israeli military spokesman who sat in on interview between Chris McGreal and Pinhas Zuaretz, July 2003)

"Basically what the Americans are saying is, 'We don't trust you'."
(senior Israeli military official, August 2012)

"I think they don't want to insinuate that they are preparing something together with the Israelis against Iran – that's the message ... Trust? We don't trust them. They don't trust us. All these liberal notions! Even a liberal president like Obama knows better."
(Efraim Inbar, August 2012)

"I don’t want to be complicit if they [Israel] choose to do it [attack Iranian nuclear facilities]."
(Martin Dempsey, 30 August 2012)

"Young [American] Jews today, discouraged by Israeli policies that they cannot abide, either explicitly or tacitly join those who condemn the Jewish State. But they do not recognize that the de-legitimization of Israel will affect them, too, that they, too, have a personal stake in Israel, no matter how discomfited they may be by some of its policies. ... Faced with a choice between loyalty to their humanitarian values or to their parents’ Zionism, they have chosen the former. ... But one thing we do know, even if it is not commonly expressed (because anyone who says it must expect to be accused of fear-mongering): The Jewish life that American Jews take for granted is actually dependent on the existence of the same Jewish state from which many young Jews now distance themselves. This is the point that today’s younger generations of American Jews simply do not understand: American Jewish life as it now exists would not survive the loss of Israel."
(Daniel Gordis, 28 August 2012)

"Everybody knows how this will end. ... There will be a bi-national west of the Jordan ... the two-state solution is no longer possible."
(Nahum Barnea, August 2012)

"We should transform the Bedouins into an urban proletariat... Indeed, this will be a radical move which means that the Bedouin would not live on his land with his herds, but would become an urban person... His children would be accustomed to a father who wears trousers, does not carry a shabaria [the traditional Bedouin knife] and does not search for vermin in public. This would be a revolution, but it may be fixed within two generations. Without coercion but with governmental direction... this phenomenon of the Bedouins will disappear."
(Moshe Dayan, 1963)

"[Zionism is] the heir—albeit illegitimate—of the Crusader movement. ... [Joshua Prawer] recognized the extent of the similarity in the individual and social experience of Crusaders and Zionists. Rather than studying the comparison and denying its validity, he chose to study the Crusader's experience as if it were a historical model which could be completely analyzed and dissected in order to benefit from its experience and avoid its mistakes."
(Ziad J. Asali, Winter 1992)

"Identification with the indigenous peoples, and thus the targets of crusader conquest, led Joshua Prawer and his followers to emphasise Frankish segregationalism and to reject the assimilationist ideas of previous scholarship. This tendency reached its height in 1972, when Prawer’s Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, subtitled European Colonialism in the Middle Ages, deployed the term ‘apartheid’ to the judicial system developed in the Crusader States. Like Smail, Prawer saw parallels between European – specifically British – colonialism in the Middle East in the first half of the twentieth century and the Crusader States. As an émigré to Palestine under the British Mandate, Prawer was only too aware of how ephemeral such colonial rule could, in the long run, prove."
(Andrew Jotischky, December 2009)

"I find my roots here, and not in some shtetl in Eastern Europe [. . . ] The Crusaders could not have made such a claim. Our roots are here, in this country [. . . ] For us it means returning to the land of our forefathers. This is a concept that doesn’t apply to Western Christianity [. . . ]We are a part of the East, for two thousand years we have been returning to the Land of Israel; the Bible is a product of the Land of Israel, and from that point of view to speak of us as being foreign to the place is of course ridiculous."
(Joshua Prawer, July 1987)

"If Joshua Prawer were alive today he would no doubt deny any linkage between his Zionist political beliefs and the model of segregation that he developed. However, the connection between this model and the manner in which Zionism developed in the 1950s conceived of the essence of the relationshop between European immigrants and the indigenous population cn also be found in Zionist literature that preceded Prawer's academic writing. Already in 1931, five years before Prawer's own immigration to Palestine, Shmuel Ussishkin, the son of Zionist leader Menahem Ussishkin, drew a historical analogy between the Crusaders and the Zionists, thus formulating a Palestine-Jewish view of the Crusades."
(Ronnie Ellenblum, 2009)

"The history of the Christian kingdom of Jerusalem is of special interest to the Zionists, for . . . the very problem they [i.e., the Crusaders] faced . . . was how to establish a Christian centre in the midst of Oriental, Muslim states, a centre that would differ from its neighbours in religion, origin, language, and culture, a centre that originates in the West and is sustained by it. The Zionists today face the same issue: how to create, in t he very midst of the Muslim states, a Jewish state that will differ from the neighbouring states in its religion, culture, origin, and language, a centre that will be created by external forces coming from the West. ... [We must study the Crusader period] in order to study the reasons and causes of the failure, and in order to learn how to avoid those mistakes that led to so many and decisive results. ... In comparison to the small area of the state, its borders were far too long and it was difficult for the king and the princes to defend the entire extent of this lengthy border with the small forces at their disposal; it was always easy for the Muslim Arab princes to find a weak spot in this lengthy chain through which they could advance into the interior of the country. ... The reasons for failure were many ... [but] the major and overriding one ... was the structure of the state. Instead of becoming the overwhelming majority of the state and instead of controlling the village lands - the very foundation of the realm - the Latins in the Kingdom of Jerusalem were always a thin stratum of ruling classes."
(Shmuel Ussishkin, 1931)

"Now the Franks maintained from the beginning a fixed attitude towards the conquered population. It's a pity nobody asked me about this attitude, which I called 'apartheid.' Again you might say that this is too modern a term; but there was apartheid! If in 1120 at Nablus it is said that a Muslim wearing a Frankish dress will be at the king's mercy, it does not mean that the Franks wanted to bring the Muslim closer to themselves. When Henry of Champagne says to Saladin, "I cannot wear your turban and your tunic, because my people will not allow it," it does not mean that they wanted to be together. It is only Madelin and some do-gooders who tried to find the people coming together, but they didn't succeed; for if you find one or two Muslims talking with the Franks, it is not a proof of Orientalization or rapprochment. In all the chronicles of the crusader period, we find only forty Arabic words — forty words during two hundred years! So it is perfectly correct to describe the system as apartheid."
(Joshua Prawer, May 1984)

"There cannot be a doubt that when national security is equated with freedom of the press and the people's right to know, as unalienable rights, it is national security that will come on top, if only for the simple reason that without a safe existence of the state and its citizens there would be no press or public."
(Ido Druyan, 3 September 2012)

"The court’s decision confirms a climate of impunity, which facilitates Israeli human rights violations against Palestinian civilians in the Occupied Territory."
(Jimmy Carter, 29 August 2012)

"Familiarity with a plethora of information sources and geographic proximity to the scenes of the crime deprives us of the excuse "we didn't know." People are living without running water, or without water fit to drink. Do a google search and you'll find the websites of Adalah, UNRWA and B'Tselem. The green line has two sides, and on both sides there are ways to ensure the supply of water to Jews and deny it to Palestinians. Even Satan never came up with discrimination more nauseating than this. The civil rights that we enjoy won't allow us to say what citizens of Turkey and Belarus rightly can, or what citizens of East Germany and Rhodesia once could: We cannot take action because we are afraid for our children and our jobs, fear our neighbors and torture. The future of Israeli students and lecturers is assured even if they besiege the Defense Ministry and the defense minister's house to demand that Firing Zone 918 in the south Hebron Hills be outlawed. And after that, even if they strike against a long list of other discriminatory practices. The people of Israel proved last year that they are not devoid of knowledge or of the recognition of injustice. Therefore, every single member of this thinking crowd bears direct responsibility for the disasters that will befall this place; for an accumulation of injustices will eventually explode."
(Amira Hass, 5 September 2012)

"We were the generation that were programmed to commit the mass expulsion. We imbibed it with our mothers’ milk. Although I attended a secular school, we were taught the Bible five days a week as though it were a historical document. And we were already ready when the ’48 war broke out. We were already indifferent to the Palestinians —- not even hating, just indifferent. They became for us a kind of an environmental nuisance. It is the kind of objectification which prepared us not to care about the expulsion. The inhabitants of the whole area of Beit Jibrin, Beit Jamal and Zakariyah, who are now refugees in Dheisheh and in Beit Jibrin and in camps around Bethlehem, were expelled by the Palmach, in which I was a soldier. I have a letter that I wrote to my parents on October 30, ’48 on the office stationery of the director of a garage who fled a few days before I came there. I don’t even relate to the fact that I’m writing on someone’s stationery. In a passage that really raises my hair to this very day, I mention two American volunteers in our unit — there were many American volunteers who came after World War Two – and I call them liberals. We were left Zionists. And that was the decisive difference between us and these two Americans. They were shouting in the evening, after meeting starving women and children on the way back to their villages. And they said that if this new state could not take care of its residents there was no justification for it to be established. And what was my reaction? I wrote: “Dear mother and father, I am very often sick and tired of these American philanthropists.” And then I continued with my daily news, as though nothing had happened. It was the climax of dehumanization, not only of the Palestinians but of us."
(Tikva Honig-Parnass, 16 May 2008)

"But beyond the question of the forthcoming elections, there is the need to evaluate the long-term damage caused to Israel from Israel's positioning in the election campaign and the unacceptable volume which it occupies therein. That volume of attention has been steadily increasing since the beginning of the Republican primaries in January, as if it were equivalent to double the importance of China plus India and Russia, or perhaps California and New York rolled into one. It is difficult to tell just what do Americans themselves think when they see their candidates swear allegiance to Israel as if it were part and parcel of the national anthem and flag. What do they think of the situation where every single deviation from blind support for the Israeli government's positions is considered heresy and treason? It may be a reasonable position for impassioned Christians and loyal Jews. But most Americans are neither, and in their inner hearts they may just wonder about that distant country's source of power, that can cast such a giant pall on US politics and which could also drag their country into a war which they do not want to fight."
(Chemi Shalev, 6 September 2012)

"The entire nation is complicit in the occupation, and there is no safe haven in the libraries and laboratories within the Green Line … Israel's educational network – regardless of the political persuasions of faculty – is already entrenched in the occupation."
(Sara Hirschhorn, 19 June 2012)

"Area C constitutes 61 percent of the West Bank and contains 5.8 percent of the population. The PA does not have any municipal or planning authority in Area C. ... To build its economy the Palestinian private sector needs access to land in Area C – land whose availability for potential Palestinian use continues to shrink. ... That parts of Area C can be beneficial economically is further illustrated by current Israeli economic activity in that area. ... Undoubtedly Area C is key for the development of a sustainable Palestinian economy."
(World Bank, 19 September 2012)

"Finally, I have to tell you that we are outraged by the shot fired on a Marine on American Embassy property by an Israeli colonel."
(Lawrence Eagleburger, 16 September 1982)

"Our intention is to leave the situation as it is: autonomous management of civil affairs, and if they [the Palestinians] want to call it a state, let them call it that. If they want to call it an empire, by all means. We intend to keep what exists now and let them call it whatever they want."
(Moshe Ya'alon, 3 March 2011)

"Semantics don’t matter. If Palestinian sovereignty is limited enough so that we feel safe, call it fried chicken."
(David Bar-Ilan, 1996)

"After being taught for decades that the incentive for immigration from the Arab states was Zionism, it now turns out that this was actually a wave of refugees. And after thinking that Israel had already shattered all records for chuzpah, along comes this campaign to say that we ain't see nothing yet. It is hard to decide where to begin refuting the ridiculous comparison between the fate of the Palestinian refugees and their Jewish counterparts, but not to worry: the position paper of the National Security Council sees no place for comparison. The refugees suffered a "tragedy," while the Palestinians' fate is no more than an "issue." And the high point is that blame in both cases falls on the Arab states. It's hard to believe: Israel had no part in the problem of the Palestinian refugees."
(Gideon Levy, 20 September 2012)

"In order to realize this idea [of a nuclear-free Mideast] there is need for prior conditions and a complete reversal of the current trend in the area. This is an idea born in other areas and alien to the reality and political culture of the area. Nuclear demilitarization in the Middle East, according to the Israeli position, will be possible only after the establishment of peace and trust among the states of the area, as a result of a local initiative, not of external coercion."
(Shaul Horev, 19 September 2012)

"It [Israel] was essentially founded to become an apartheid state."
(Max Blumenthal, 26 September 2012)

"[When Israeli liberals say that Israel could become an apartheid state] That’s like saying this table could become a table."
(Max Blumenthal, 26 September 2012)

"Iran is the centre of terrorism, fundamentalism and subversion and is … more dangerous than Nazism, because Hitler did not possess a nuclear bomb."
(Shimon Peres, 1996)

"We sense that academic freedom in Israel's higher education system is in severe danger. Closure of this department [of politics in Ben Gurion University] constitutes the first instance, but certainly not the last, unless the current trend is halted."
(More than 300 faculty members of academic institutions all over Israel, September 2012)

"We won the war and received a nice dowry of territory, but along with a bride whom we don’t like."
(Levi Eshkol, 1967)

"I hope they all go. If we could achieve the departure of 300,000 without pressure, it would be a great blessing."
(Moshe Dayan, 25 June 1967)

"A guilty conscience and the dictates of self-interest are masked behind the defiant attitude of self-righteousness [of Israeli policy towards the refugees it created in 1967]."
(Michael Hadow, 1967)

"Do whatever can be done ... Yesterday I did not think that Egypt and Syria (the political leadership) would collapse in this way … But since this is the situation, it must be exploited to the full. A great day."
(Moshe Dayan, 9 June 1967)

"I’ll always want [Israel] to be the country I imagined in my youth. But what the hell, she’s mine, and for a forty-year-old, she ain’t too shabby."
(Thomas L. Friedman, 1989)

"This documentary proves that, for the locals, the reality of the occupation is that there is no such thing as nonviolent struggle. For the information of those who preach nonviolence (from the Palestinians ): The Israel Defense Forces soldiers and the Border Police will ensure that it becomes violent. Just one thrown stone, despite the pleas of the demonstration organizers, will suffice; just one verbal altercation will also suffice to open the most advanced weapons arsenal in the world - to pull the pin, to release the gas, the rubber bullet and the skunk gas, and sometimes the live fire, and to cut off the impossible dream of a nonviolent struggle. Anyone who watches this film understands that it is very difficult to face the wall, the settlement project and the soldiers - all of which scream "violence" - and remain nonviolent. Nearly impossible."
(Gideon Levy, 5 October 2012)

"In 10 years, there will be no more Israel"
(Henry Kissinger, some date before 17 September 2012)

"These Jewish leaders [recently freed from concentration camps] are desperate men who will stick at nothing. Practically everything that can happen to a surviving human being has already happened to them and they place no value on human life whatsoever."
(Frederick Morgan, 1946)

"The Israeli economy and all its elites were built up and exist via continuous "foreign aid.""
(Yitzhak Laor, 9 October 2012)

"I fear the day when we have to sit face to face and conduct negotiations."
(Levi Eshkol, May 1968)

"My own view is that the Balfour Declaration was one of the worst mistakes in British foreign policy in the first half of the 20th century. ... It involved a monumental injustice to the Palestine Arabs and sowed the seeds of a never-ending conflict in the Middle East.""
(Avi Shlaim, November 2007)

"When I went to live on Kibbutz Amiad in the Galil, I never bothered to wonder who lived on the land before the settlement was founded in 1946. For many years after, I remained completely oblivious to the fact that the population of the nearby Arab village of Jubb Yusuf had been forcibly driven out."
(Antony Lerman, September 2012)

"It was in Zionism’s interest that Jews outside Israel were discriminated against, as this legitimized claims that Zionism was the only long-term solution to the Jewish question ... [these] arguments made it easier to understand why Israel used anti-Semitism for political purposes, a point I had been making for some years."
(Antony Lerman, September 2012)

"Especially troublesome [in the early 1990s] was the Project for the Study of Anti-Semitism at Tel Aviv University ... in short, the Israeli government’s civil arm devoted to monitoring and dealing with the problem of anti-Semitism, working hand-in-hand with [Israeli spy agency] the Mossad, was acting as a Zionist recruiting tool of the crudest kind."
(Antony Lerman, September 2012)

"That I should take the home of a family that may be living in a refugee camp? The home of another mother…. I refused…. And to see the Israelis driving away with loot, beautiful rugs and furniture, I was ashamed for them. I don’t know how they could do it."
(Zeeva Katznelson, many years after 1948)

"While I was studying in Japan I got to know many Israeli travelers, and most of us were young enough to stil have memories of our military service fresh in our minds. One of the guys was an officer in Israel's naval special forces, a captain in the revered Naval Commandos. He told us once how he and his unit would patrol the Gaza coast aboard their naval warships. They would come upon Gaza fishing boats and from time to time they would single out a particular boatm order the fishermen to jump into the water and blow up the boat. Then under gunpoint, they told the fishermen to count from one to a hundred and then when they were done to start over again. They would make them count over and over again until one by one the fishermen could no longer tread water, and they drowned. The young Israeli officer said this was done, as he put it, "... to set an example, and teach the Arabs who was boss." I thought I was going to throw up when I heard this, but over the years I heard many similar stories from Israeli soldiers."
(Miko Peled, 15 June 2012)

"Dear Miko, Great piece. I hope it is published everywhere. It reminded me of the story that The Chicago Daily News, for whom I was wrting in Lebanon in 1974, killed when I wrote it. The Israeli navy was blowing up the fishing boats of kids off Tyre, and they had to swim back to town. I met the kids and saw the boats, and I wrote the story. At age twenty-three, I was innocent enough to believe it would be published. I learned then something that was taught to me again and again over the years: you cannot write even simple facts about Israel was doing if your editors cannot accept that Israel would do such things. I don't know if they didn't believe the story or they wanted to protect the image, but it happened with just about every American news agency I ever worked for. Anyway, well done. Warmest wishes, Charlie."
(Charles Glass, a few days after 27 September 2008)

"The State Dept. pulled the rug from under me today. The first I know about it is what I read in the newspapers! Isn't that hell? I'm now in the position of a liar and double-crosser. I've never felt so low in my life. . . ."
(Harry S. Truman, 19 May 1948)

"I don't even know why Clifford is here. He is a domestic adviser, and this is a foreign policy matter. The only reason Clifford is here is that he is pressing a political consideration."
(George C. Marshall, 12 May 1948)

"Or to put it more bluntly, the figures reveal the full extent of [employment] discrimination against Arabs in general, and Arab women in particular."
(Haaretz editorial writer, 12 October 2012)

"Today, only 8 percent of government employees are Arabs. That is even less than the goal the state set for itself - 10 percent - and well below their share in the population."
(Haaretz editorial writer, 12 October 2012)

"She [Dorothy Thompson] was dropped by the New York Post, whose editor Ted Thackry, and his wife, Dorothy Schiff, were said by other Post editors to be close to the Irgun and Menachem Begin. Begin, the Irgunists, the Stern Gang and other Zionists organizations had what was termed “inordinate access” to the Post’s editorial board."
(Alison Weir, September 2011)

"Gaza will limited to the height of its residential buildings and the depth of its graves."
(Meron Benvenisti, 11 January 2010)

"Dignity is a nebulous idea in theory and definition, but I found that Gaza is something of a laboratory for observing an absence of dignity. Jonathan Mann made the case that violations of dignity have "devastating" effects on physical, mental, and social wellbeing and he sought to create a taxonomy of dignity violations that included: not being seen or being incompletely seen; being subsumed into a group identity; invasion of personal space (including physical violence); and humiliation. Mann's persuasive ideas seem to resonate in Gaza. The constant surveillance from the sky, collective punishment through blockade and isolation, the intrusion into homes and communications, and restrictions on those trying to travel, or marry, or work make it difficult to live a dignified life in Gaza."
(Rajaie Batniji, 4 August 2012)

"I do not accept all this Mizrahi whining. Because, what would the Mizrahim have done if we had not been here to take them in? What would they be worth? What would have happened to them if we had not created the Israeliness to which they connected and turned into some sort of cartoon? If it had not been for us, the Mizrahim would have remained a potpourri of migrant cultures. True, we made plenty of mistakes. But we made a heroic decision to take them all in. And by that decision we effectively committed suicide. Our Hebrew-Israeli culture dissolved under the flood of immigration. That is why we now have Likud governments and constantly hear Mizrahi whining. But I do not accept either the one or the other. I am proud of being a white sabra. And I will not allow anyone to expel me from the Zionist camp. I am one of the founders of this place. I am from the Zionist Mayflower. I will not allow anyone to treat me as a non-Zionist."
(Meron Benvenisti, 11 October 2012)

"There is no cause for the demographic fear. Most of the refugees don’t even want to return. We need to break down the highly charged question of the right of return into a series of acts of conciliation that address the trauma and move toward some sort of more equitable arrangement. I do not believe that it will be possible to live in one state according to the principle of one person-one vote. If so, the side that gets a majority will exploit its majority to seize the power centers and suppress the other side. We need to find a structure that will not be either a Jewish nation-state or a Palestinian nation-state, but a shared framework in which the two nations will go on squabbling − but on a foundation of equality. A foundation that consists of my acknowledgment of their story and their acknowledgment of my story, with an attempt to find some sort of reasonable balance between the two."
(Meron Benvenisti, 11 October 2012)

"My father wanted me to be one of the cornerstones of this country. He wanted the small soles of the feet of his son to touch this soil and no other. He tried to forge in me − and in many thousands of others whom he taught − a feeling of absolute belonging to the Land of Israel. And he succeeded. That is why I went to Kibbutz Rosh Hanikra in the 1950s and experienced the transcendent feeling of working in the banana groves − without noticing that in order to plant the banana trees, I was uprooting olive trees, thousands of years old, of a Palestinian village. That is why in the 1960s I bribed Arabs to remove hundreds of graves from the Muslim cemetery on the Tel Aviv shore so that it would be possible to clear the land on which the Hilton now stands. After the Six-Day War, I was with Teddy [Kollek] and “Chich” [Maj. Gen. Shlomo Lahat, afterward mayor of Tel Aviv] when we decided together to remove the 106 families of the Mughrabi neighborhood to create the large plaza of the Western Wall. I remember to this day the bulldozers and the clouds of dust that rose into the air and the old woman who was buried under one of the houses."
(Meron Benvenisti, 11 October 2012)

"According to the Central Bureau of Statistics (which is subordinate to the Prime Minister's Office ), of the 12 million residents living under Israeli rule, the number of Jews is just under 5.9 million (as of April 25 ). Twelve million minus 5.9 million Jews equals 6.1 million non-Jews. In other words, between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River, there is a pretty Jewish state as far as its laws and customs, but the reality is not so democratic. Foreign sources report that Jews had already become a minority in the area of the greater Land of Israel several years ago. From now on, it is an official statistic."
(Akiva Eldar, 16 October 2012)

"Hell, I’ll even say - knowing the abuse I’m inviting - that questioning conventional wisdom about the Holocaust, including such sensitive matters as Jewish collaboration, isn’t by itself proof of antisemitism. We take it for granted that re-examining received truths about every other aspect of history is not only legitimate, but necessary and important, because it’s potentially productive of new insights. Why isn’t that equally true when it comes to the Holocaust?"
(Henry Norr, 17 October 2012)

"there is no map on which Ariel isn't a part of the state of Israel."
(Yair Lapid, 20 October 2012)

"The implications of a court victory are formidable, in the light of the fact that about half the area of the country is Palestinian territory that was seized."
(Ron Gazit, January 2003)

"As I see it, the Salameh case is not such an astounding precedent. The man sought to appeal his status as an absentee and a discussion began about his case. We reached the conclusion that instead of being in a situation in which all the property would be registered in his name, it would be worth the state's while to purchase Salameh's vast property - which already then was worth millions of dollars - for a pittance.""
(Moshe Nissim (2), January 2003)

"World attention remains fixed on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict but a distinct, albeit related, conflict smoulders within Israel itself. It might be no less perilous. Jewish-Arab domestic relations have deteriorated steadily for a decade. More and more, the Jewish majority views the Palestinian minority as subversive, disloyal and – due to its birth rates – a demographic threat. Palestinian citizens are politically marginalised, economically underprivileged, ever more unwilling to accept systemic inequality and ever more willing to confront the status quo."
(International Crisis Group, 14 March 2012)

"And I'm president of the United States, I will exercise sobriety, care, stability. And make sure that in a setting like this, anything I say that can affect a place with – with rockets going in, with people dying, I don't do anything that would harm that – that process.
And therefore, before I made a statement of that nature, I'd get on the phone to my friend Bibi Netanyahu and say, "Would it help if I said this? What would you like me to do? Let's work together, because we're partners." I'm not a bomb thrower, rhetorically or literally."
(Mitt Romney, 11 December 2011)

"The "Jewish" part of "Jewish democracy" has won big time. The "Jewish" gave "democracy" a knockout, smashing it to the canvas. Israelis want more and more Jewish and less and less democracy. From now on don't say Jewish democracy. There's no such thing, of course. There cannot be. From now on say Jewish state, only Jewish, for Jews alone. Democracy – sure, why not. But for Jews only."
(Gideon Levy, 23 October 2012)

"The ultra-Orthodox, in contrast to those who described themselves as religious or observant, hold the most extreme positions against the Palestinians. An overwhelming majority (83 percent ) of Haredim are in favor of segregated roads and 71 percent are in favor of transfer. The ultra-Orthodox are also the most anti-Arab group - 70 percent of them support legally barring Israeli Arabs from voting, 82 percent support preferential treatment from the state toward Jews, and 95 percent are in favor of discrimination against Arabs in admission to workplaces."
(Gideon Levy, 23 October 2012)

"Now it is not just critics at home and abroad, but Israelis themselves who are openly, shamelessly, and guiltlessly defining themselves as nationalistic racists. We're racists, the Israelis are saying, we practice apartheid and we even want to live in an apartheid state."
(Gideon Levy, 23 October 2012)

"The two-state solution has basically been abandoned and we are now [in a situation where the Israeli government is] moving towards a Greater Israel, or Eretz Israel taking over all of the land between the Mediterranean and the Jordan River."
(Jimmy Carter, 22 October 2012)

"I think what is really worrying, and I've been thinking about this, is the lack of accountability to what is happening in East Jerusalem, to what is happening since 1970, to what is happening with the so-called facts on the ground. There is no accountability."
(Mary Robinson, 22 October 2012)

"The survey [results] symbolizes the end of the era of hypocrisy and the removal of all masks. We're talking about racism, pure and simple. The Israeli regime isn't a carbon copy of South Africa's apartheid, but it is certainly from the same family."
(Jamal Zahalka, 24 October 2012)

"Given the current reality, making peace would be an almost anti-democratic act: Most Israelis don't want it. A just, egalitarian society would also violate the wishes of most Israelis: That, too, is something they don't want. They're satisfied with the racism, comfortable with the occupation, pleased with the apartheid; things are very good for them in this country. That's what they told the pollsters. Until a courageous leadership arises here, the kind that appears only rarely in history, and tries to change this nationalist, racist mood, there's no point in hoping for change to come from below. It won't come; indeed, it can't come, because it is contrary to the desires of most Israelis. This fact must be recognized. The world must also recognize this. Those who long to reach an agreement and draw up periodic peace plans must finally recognize that Israelis are plainly telling them, "No thanks, we're not interested.""
(Gideon Levy, 25 October 2012)

"In the takeaway moment of the movie, Avraham Shalom, a ruthless former official now old and reflective, tells filmmaker Dror Moreh that the Israelis are really no different from the Nazis in their occupations of Belgium, France and Czechoslovakia."
(Philip Weiss, 15 October 2012)

"[The Israelis are really no different from the Nazis in their occupations of Belgium, France and Czechoslovakia.]"
(Avraham Shalom, 2012)

"We’ve become . . . cruel. To ourselves as well."
(Avraham Shalom, 2012)

"Shalom stands as Moreh’s biggest get, as he’s the eldest and seemingly most circumspect of the six. ... And his final statements prove to be the most damning of the film, comparing, with caveats, the behavior of Israelis towards Palestinians to the Nazis towards their neighbors. 'We’ve become . . . cruel,' he says. 'To ourselves as well.'"
(Eric Hynes, 2012)

"Around 2001, I was invited by the Israeli College of National Security, where military officers are groomed to become generals, to give a lecture at Haifa University. Haifa University regularly hosts events of the college. The audience was made up of students in the special program, but also senior members of the SHABAK—Israel’s FBI—military intelligence, the Israeli police force, and other senior officials in the national security apparatus. There were about 40 people in all sitting around a large conference table. This was around the time of the social unrest following the collapse of the Argentinian economy. They wanted to know if similar unrest was possible in Israel because of socioeconomic gaps, and how these gaps could be minimized. I offered my analysis. We have problems with security and with borders. These transcend socio-economic protests. It would take a miracle for any social protest to succeed. If social unrest appeared in the news, I would not be surprised to hear about Hezbollah Katyusha rockets falling on Kiryat Shmona the next day. This would immediately shift public discourse back to security. I could not rule out that the Katyushas on Kiryat Shmona were a response to the IDF Air Force provocation of their fighter jets crossing the border deep into Lebanon. I told them that I didn’t have the knowledge, but my intuition as an analyst told me that. Everyone was quiet. Everyone was quiet. No one said a thing. And then we broke for a buffet lunch. At the buffet, a corpulent man approached me. He said, 'Shalom, my name is XY. I was a media adviser for the minister of defense. This is exactly what we did.'"
(Linda Efroni, 21 February 2005)

"Bandung was a blow from which Israel's standing in Asia could not quickly recover."
(Walter Eytan, 1958)

"I don't need Umm al-Fahm"
(Avigdor Lieberman, 2012)

"I would suggest to you to come round in time to the "Greater Palestine" program before it is too late. Si la raison absout, ou la loi condamne — tant pis pur la loil It does no good if a party forces its leader to declare openly — and also solemnly: 2 x 2 = 5. The Basle Program must contain the words Greater Palestine or Palestine and its neighbouring lands - otherwise it is nonsense. You do not get the 10 million Jews into a land of 25,000 km."
(David Trietsch, 29 October 1899)

"I want to see Safad. It’s my right to see it but not to live there. ... Palestine now for me is 67 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital. This is now and for ever. This is now and forever. This is Palestine for me. I am refugee but I am living in Ramallah. I believe that West Bank and Gaza is Palestine and the other parts is Israel."
(Mahmoud Abbas, 1 November 2012)

"The Jewish Agency objected at the time to bombing Auschwitz"
(Tom Segev, 2 November 2012)

"The Jewish Agency objected at the time to bombing Auschwitz - a detail that Netanyahu did not bother to tell the AIPAC delegates. It may have been possible to bomb the railroad tracks leading to the camps, but the Germans would have rebuilt them. Similarly, had the Allies bombed the gas chambers, the annihilation would have continued via other means, including the "death marches." In this context, Bauer notes that some 50 percent of Jewish war victims were not murdered in the death camps."
(Tom Segev, 2 November 2012)

"One may rightly ask why the United States did not intervene along with its British allies when some two million Indians died of starvation in 1943, and why it did not even make any statements about it."
(Yehudah Bauer, October 2012)

"What I said about Safed is my personal stance."
(Mahmoud Abbas, 4 November 2012)

"It is time for you and your friends in Tel Aviv to understand: it is impossible to divide this land. Impossible. You cannot tell the Arabs to forget about Jaffa and Acre. They will not forget. And you cannot get any Palestinian to sign off on 'the end of the conflict.' They will not sign. And the Green Line, which was the great alibi of the left, no longer exists. The Green Line is dead. The separation fence: that is truly apartheid. Separation is apartheid. Tel Avivans don’t want to understand this, but the Land of Israel is whole. It is a single geopolitical unit. It follows that the partition of the land is impossible. It is as impossible geographically and physically as it is psychologically."
(Meron Benvenisti, October 2012)

"It would be illogical to ask Israel to absorb five million refugees, or even a million refugees ... the result would be the end of the State of Israel."
(Mahmoud Abbas, some date before 2011)

"You [Palestinian citizens of Israel] don't need a passport to prove you're a Palestinian. You need to raise two banners: the banner of equality and the banner of an independent state for your brethren in the occupied territories."
(Mahmoud Abbas, 24 March 2009)

"Don't listen to those stories they're trying to sell you about how Abu Mazen doesn't want to talk. I was there until a year ago and I know what's happening from up close. This government has no interest in resolving anything with the Palestinians, and this I can say with certainty."
(Yuval Diskin, April 2012)

"Arafat, since the ‘70s, after Fatah’s guerrilla warfare failed to yield results, concluded that the liberation of the homeland would be accomplished through a 'policy of stages.' The idea of the 'struggle in stages' was meant to achieve the gradual elimination of Israel and a solution of a single Arab state. In other words, the Palestinian Liberation Organization leaders continually put on a conciliatory face in order to please the West, but actually their goal was to eliminate Israel in stages, since they couldn’t do it in one blow. The same staggered strategy, which sees the establishment of a state in the occupied territories as the first stage in the conquest of the entire land, was, in their view, better than a direct strategy of endless military confrontation. Abbas says it day in and day out, and continues to demand the right of return."
(Benny Morris, September 2012)

"Mr Netanyahu is obsessed with an Israeli attack on Iran. In the 70 days that I sat in government, more than half the meetings that Mr Netanyahu arranged with me were spent in attempts to persuade me we should attack Iran without American or Western support."
(Shaul Mofaz, November 2012)

"Fiona Murch, the executive producer of Correspondent, told me that Israel Goldvicht Productions would not have won the "trust" of the Israeli army had the producer asked real journalistic questions."
(John Pilger, 7 June 2002)

"These atrocities [against the people of the Palestinian villages around Safad] - which fifty years later are regarded as libel, invented by the enemies of Israel, and whose retelling is perceived as an example of the rewriting of history by revisionist historians — were, at the time they took place, known to ministers in the Israeli government, military commanders, and even the general public. The government set up commissions of inquiry and the army set up commissions of its own, but the work of these bodies came to naught because soldiers and officers refused to testify against their comrades in arms. Prime Minister Ben-Gurion did not hide the "shameful deeds" from the public; he even expressed pride in the publication of a poem by Nathan Alterman (who at the time was considered Israel's national poet) condemning the atrocities."
(Meron Benvenisti, January 2002)

"äàðâìéí àîøå ìðå ùéù ùí àéæä îàåúÎàìôé ëåùéí åìæä äøé àéï ëì òøê"
(Chaim Weizmann, around 1917)

"The notion that the failure of Camp David was completely Mr. Arafat's fault arose when President Clinton publicly said as much, partly in an effort to boost Mr. Barak's re-election prospects."
(Nicholas D. Kristof, 17 May 2002)

"As everybody knows, there are some basic similarities between the US and Israel. Both are immigrant nations. Both were built by white settlers who carried out ethnic cleansing. Both glorify their huge achievements while keeping quiet about the darker sides of their past."
(Uri Avnery, 9 November 2012)

"Generally speaking, the purpose of [Israelis] using the word ‘peace’ so often in a political context is to strengthen the image of the speaker as a peace-seeking person who belongs to a peace-seeking nation. For example, in his speech at Bar-Ilan University, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu repeated the word ‘peace’ 44 times. Usually, the demonstrative use of the word ‘peace,’ which contributes to the perpetuation of war, is not the exclusive province of the right wing. Yitzhak Rabin once said: ‘Our hand will always be extended in peace, but the fingers will always be on the trigger.’"
(Dalia Gavriely-Nuri, October 2012)

"Generally speaking, the purpose of using the word ‘peace’ so often in a political context is to strengthen the image of the speaker as a peace-seeking person who belongs to a peace-seeking nation. For example, in his speech at Bar-Ilan University, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu repeated the word ‘peace’ 44 times. Usually, the demonstrative use of the word ‘peace,’ which contributes to the perpetuation of war, is not the exclusive province of the right wing. Yitzhak Rabin once said: ‘Our hand will always be extended in peace, but the fingers will always be on the trigger.’"
(Dalia Gavriely-Nuri, October 2012)

"Anyone who tries to draw a comparison between the occupation regime in the territories to the South African apartheid regime - and their number is rising constantly - is instantly labeled anti-Israel and anti-Semitic. But the facts justify the comparison. No, Israel is not an apartheid state, but the occupation in the territories is apartheid."
(Gideon Levy, 11 November 2012)

"Some days ago I said in the House of Commons that His Majesty's Government had great sympathy with Syrian aspirations for independence. I should like to repeat that now. But I would go further. The Arab world has made great strides since the settlement was reached at the and of the last war and many Arab thinkers desire for the Arab peoples a greater degree of unity than they now enjoy. In reaching out toward this unity they hope for our support. No such appeal from our friends should go unanswered. It seems both natural and right that cultural and economic ties between Arab countries, yes and political ties, too, should be strengthened. His Majesty's Government for their part will give their full support to any scheme that commands general approval."
(Anthony Eden, 29 June1941)

"The number of Jews serving in the various police formations [in Palestine] has now reached a total of nearly 25,000."
(Harold Macmillan, 7 October 1942)

"This is what President Obama believes: that if the American Jewish community, in tandem with the Israeli government, are dead set on driving off a cliff towards a one-state solution, it is not his job to lay down on the train tracks and sacrifice his political career in order to stop them."
(Peter Beinart, November 2012)

"We must always take sides. Neutrality helps the oppressor, never the victim. Silence encourages the tormentor, never the tormented."
(Elie Wiesel, 10 December 1986)

"It is hard to understand what basis there is for the assertion that Israel is not striving to escalate the situation. One could assume that an armed response by the Popular Resistance Committees or Islamic Jihad to Israel's targeted assassination was taken into account. But did anyone weigh the possibility that the violent reaction could lead to a greater number of Israeli casualties than any terrorist attack that Zuhair al-Qaisi, the secretary-general of the Popular Resistance Committees, could have carried out?"
(Zvi Bar'el, 11 March 2012)

"One more pre-election military operation, like in 1955, 1961, 1981, 1996, 2009"
(Aluf Benn, 14 November 2012)

"Extra-judicial assassination - accompanied by the wanton killing of whatever civilians happen to be near the target, often including children - is a staple of the Obama presidency. That lawless tactic is one of the US president's favorite instruments for projecting force and killing whomever he decides should have their lives ended: all in total secrecy and with no due process or oversight. There is now a virtually complete convergence between US and Israeli aggression, making US criticism of Israel impossible not only for all the usual domestic political reasons, but also out of pure self-interest: for Obama to condemn Israel's rogue behavior would be to condemn himself."
(Glenn Greenwald, 15 November 2012)

"We need to flatten entire neighborhoods in Gaza. Flatten all of Gaza. The Americans didn’t stop with Hiroshima – the Japanese weren’t surrendering fast enough, so they hit Nagasaki, too."
(Gilad Sharon, 18 November 2012)

"All my life I have been trying to get out of the ghetto and you want to force me back there again"
(Edwin S. Montagu, some date in 1917)

" As long as the crime of dispossession and refugeehood that was committed against the Palestinian people in 1947-48 is not redressed through a peaceful and just negotiation that satisfies the legitimate rights of both sides, we will continue to see enhancements in both the determination and the capabilities of Palestinian fighters -- as has been the case since the 1930s, in fact. Only stupid or ideologically maniacal Zionists fail to come to terms with this fact. It is important to note the remarks by Gaza Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh Thursday night that Gazans and Palestinians everywhere will keep struggling for their national rights, with the key issue for them being the Palestinian right of return. His comments, and the resurgence of fighting, only remind everyone that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is about what happened in 1947-48, not only what happened in 1967."
(Rami G. Khouri, 17 November 2012)

"Was the murder by Israel of Hamas’s military leader Ahmed al-Jabari in fact not staged to provide an excuse to bomb all those new missiles that Hamas has acquired? That wise old Israeli owl Uri Avneri – he is 89 years old – thinks this is just the trap that Hamas fell into by launching its preposterous “Gates of Hell” rocket attacks in revenge for Jabari’s death. The whole Operation “Pillar of Defence” was about destroying Hamas’s weapons – not about the largely ineffective missiles themselves."
(Robert Fisk, 20 November 2012)

" It says that it is fighting “terrorism” in our name as well as its own. It says it is fighting like us. It is playing by our Western rules. We are all Israelis now; that is what we are meant to say. Hamas is our enemy, as well as Israel’s. And so – for this is the effect – we too must be contaminated by the war crimes of Israel’s pilots. That, I believe, is why we protest against Israel. Operation Pillar of Cloud must not be committed in our name."
(Robert Fisk, 20 November 2012)

"Why do the news channels ask Tony Blair for his advice on conflict in the Middle East? It's like asking Gary Glitter for advice on what to do about Jimmy Savile."
(Mark Steel, 20 November 2012)

"By supporting Israel's offensive on Gaza, Western leaders have given the Israelis carte blanche to do what they're best at: Wallow in their sense of victimhood and ignore Palestinian suffering."
(Amira Hass, 19 November 2012)

"It reminded me of an experience I had when I was artistic co-director of the Haifa Municipal Theatre. We produced my play, The Palestinian Girl. The year was 1985, and the very term "Palestinian" was still taboo in Israel. Some patrons returned their seasonal subscription in protest against the play's title. A Haifa rabbi went so far as to remove the mezuza, the Hebrew prayer traditionally affixed to front doors, from the theatre's entrance."
(Joshua Sobol, 22 November 2012)

"After 1945, my father issued a ’Denazification Certificate’ to the then GDR leader Erich Honecker, amongst others. In today’s sad present, a point is already reached where critics of Israel have to be provided with a ’Antisemitism-free Certificate’ in order to kosherize them. A point is already reached where representatives of Jewish interests are pressing to prevent public appearances of any such critic perceived as dangerous to them for simply working on the basis of facts."
(Evelyn Hecht-Galinski, 28 November 2011)

"We might benefit from conquering Gaza. But it's clear to me that Gaza won't be in our hands even if we conquer it 1,000 times."
(David Ben-Gurion, 17 December 1948)

"If they offer it [Gaza] to us, I'd accept it."
(David Ben-Gurion, May 1949)

"Just as the Jews would resent being condemned as a race for the action of a few of their undesirable co-religionists, so it would be correspondingly unfair to condemn the Polish nation as a whole for the violence committed by uncontrolled troops or local mobs. These excesses were apparently not premeditated, for if they had been part of a preconceived plan, the number of killed would have run into the thousands instead of amounting to about 280. It is believed that these excesses were the result of a widespread anti-Semitic prejudice aggravated by the belief that the Jewish inhabitants were politically hostile to the Polish State. When the boundaries of Poland are once fixed and the internal organization of the country is perfected the Polish Government will be increasingly able to protect all classes of Polish citizenry. Since the Polish Republic has subscribed to the treaty which provides for the protection of racial, religious and linguistic minorities, it is confidently anticipated that the Government will whole-heartedly accept the responsibility, not only of guarding all classes of its citizens from aggression but also of educating the masses beyond the state of mind that makes such aggression impossible."
(Henry Morgenthau, around 1920)

"As Yiddish is a German jargon, it was easy to take advantage of it, and all Jews who could afford it sent their children to Germany for the last century. The result is that the East Jews are the most Germanised — though not pro-German—society - I have ever met outside Germany, and the Poles say: 'Once a Jew, always a German'."
(Peter Wright (2), 1920)

"On the same day as the Waldorf event, three employees of news organizations were killed in Gaza by Israeli missiles. Rather than suggesting it was a mistake, or denying responsibility, an Israeli Defense Forces spokeswoman, Lt. Col. Avital Leibovich, told The Associated Press, “The targets are people who have relevance to terror activity.” So it has come to this: killing members of the news media can be justified by a phrase as amorphous as “relevance to terror activity.”"
(David Carr, 25 November 2012)

"The targets are people who have relevance to terror activity."
(Avital Leibovich, 20 November 2012)

"The father was a known terror operative affiliated with the military wing of Hamas. ... There was no mistake from the IDF. It’s tragic when a terror operative is hiding among civilians but unfortunately it is part of Hamas and Islamic Jihad tactics."
(Avital Leibovich, 27 November 2012)

"Advice to reporters in #Gaza. For your own safety, stay away from #Hamas positions and operatives."
(Israeli Army (IDF), 20 November 2012)

"We obviously know there are journalists in the building so we did not attack any other floor in the building, but my advice to journalist visiting Gaza is to stay away from any Hamas positions, or Hamas sites, or Hamas posts for their own safety."
(Avital Leibovitz, 18 November 2012)

"Israeli agents phoning Gazan media companies threatening to flatten their buildings to the ground unless they evacuate (confirmed) #Gaza"
(Harry Fear, 18 November 2012)

"This report, like previous settler violence reports [...], continues to highlight the heavy reality that Palestinians have no one to turn to for physical protection and legal recourse."
(Ahmad Jaradat, 15 October 2012)

"It s not for thinking that he s an Irishman that Daniel Day-Lewis is currently the object of some concern among Jews over here - but rather that he seems to have forgotten that he s Jewish."
(Julie Burchill, 8 April 2005)

"We must blow Gaza back to the Middle Ages destroying all the infrastructure including roads and water"
(Eli Yishai, November 2012)

"There should be no electricity in Gaza, no gasoline or moving vehicles, nothing. … We need to flatten entire neighborhoods … flatten all of Gaza."
(Gilad Sharon, November 2012)

"There are no innocents in Gaza. Mow them down … kill the Gazans without thought or mercy."
(Michael Ben-Ari, November 2012)

"[Gaza should be] bombed so hard the population has to flee into Egypt"
(Yisrael Katz, November 2012)

"[Gaza should be] wiped clean with bombs"
(Avi Dichter, November 2012)

"[Israeli soldiers must] learn from the Syrians how to slaughter the enemy"
(Yaakov Yosef, November 2012)

"There were no such thing as Palestinians. When was there an independent Palestinian people with a Palestinian state? It was either southern Syria before the First World War, and then it was a Palestine including Jordan. It was not as though there was a Palestinian people in Palestine considering itself as a Palestinian people and we came and threw them out and took their country away from them. They did not exist."
(Golda Meir, June 1969)

"Zionism is to modern enlightened Judaism what Nazism was to Germany’s traditional ethical values."
(Hajo G. Meyer, November 2012)

"It is impossible, we believe, for any unprejudiced observer to see the [Jewish] National Home [in Palestine] and not to wish it well. It has meant so much for the relief of unmerited suffering. It displays so much energy and enterprise and devotion to a common cause."
(Peel Commission, June 1937)

"If the Jewish kingdom of Stern’s aspirations could not be established with the help of the Axis powers (to whom he originally appealed), then it was necessary to turn to the Soviet Union. The important point was to accelerate Britain’s expulsion from Eretz Israel…by forging alliances with victorious powers. Thus began the Sternists’ process of “leftism.” … the Sternists believed that…they could win the sympathy of the working class and attract the support of the Soviet Union…by the pronouncement of anti-imperialist slogans."
(Joseph Heller, 1995)

"However heavy the blow to Palestinian aspirations, an equally heavy political price for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s E1 plan will be paid by Israelis. For by terminating the prospect of a two-state solution, Netanyahu will also be sealing the fate of an exclusively Jewish state. As cannier Israeli politicians (Ehud Olmert among them) have long warned, maintaining the existence of Israel as a Jewish state fundamentally requires perpetuating at least the idea of a Palestinian state, even if only as a deferred fiction kept alive through endless negotiations. Once the fiction of a separate Palestinian state is revealed to have no more substance than the Wizard of Oz — which the E1 plan will all but guarantee — those Palestinians who have not already done so will commit themselves to the only viable alternative: a one-state solution, in which the idea of an exclusively Jewish state and an exclusively Palestinian one will yield to what was really all along the preferable alternative, a single democratic and secular state in all of historical Palestine that both peoples will have to share as equal citizens. A campaign for rights and equality in a single state is a project toward which the Palestinians will now be able to turn with the formidable international support they have already developed at both the diplomatic and the grassroots levels, including a global boycott and sanctions movement whose bite Israel has already felt."
(Saree Makdisi, 6 December 2012)

"The Commission, again, repeatedly express their regret that more had not been done to promote Arab education. After seven teen years of British administration, only one in five of the Arab children of school age receive any education at all. And this in striking contrast with Jewish education. All the Jewish children go to elementary schools, a considerable proportion to secondary and elementary schools, and some go on to the admirable Hebrew University at Jerusalem."
(Peel Commission, October 1937)

"The Mandatory would also remain responsible for Nazareth and the waters of the Sea of Galilee, on account of their religious associations; and for the four towns of Haifa, Acre, Safad and Tiberias, which although geographically within the Jewish State would need a special r?gime on account of their mixed populations."
(Herbert Samuel, October 1937)

"The scheme of partition, however, is subject to grave objections. It does not effect, and no scheme of partition possibly could effect, a clear severance between the Arab and the Jewish popula tions of Palestine: the geographical conditions do not allow it. From the Jewish State as now proposed, one-third of the Jews of Palestine would be excluded, and within it would be included one fourth of the Arabs. Its population would consist of 250,000 Jews and 225,000 Arabs. The Commission recommended that a large number of the Arabs should be induced to remove to Trans Jordan or elsewhere, and be settled on land to be provided, with the help of generous financial assistance; in the last resort the Arabs in the districts of the plains should be transferred compulsorily. But, in my view, it is exceedingly doubtful whether any such transfer, on a considerable scale, could be effected. And how could compulsory removal of people whose families had been established in their present towns and villages often for a thou sand years be reconciled with the "strict guarantees for the protection of minorities?""
(Herbert Samuel, October 1937)



A disclaimer applies to this page. This page is not part of the official UCC website. This page is part of a research database of opinions on Palestine and related topics which is maintained by members of the UCC Palestine Solidarity Campaign, which comprises a group of students and staff in the university. The emphasis in this research project is on provenance -- we aim to provide as much information as possible on the background of the people whose opinions are in the database, so that readers can make up their own minds on the credibility that they wish to attach to these opinions.

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