26 dec 2010
First ever encyclopedia documenting the Gaza war released Sunday
The creativity studies and training foundation released Sunday the first ever electronic encyclopedia that documents Israel's late 2008 early 2009 war on the Gaza Strip to mark the war's second anniversary as it approaches.
The encyclopedia, dubbed the Gaza Holocaust, is the product of drawn out efforts by the foundation's strategic research and studies center, said foundation head Mohammed al-Madhoun. More than 120 of the foundation's field researchers contributed to this remarkable work, as well as many more from research centers, rights foundations, and ministries.
The idea, sparked at the time of Israel's aggression, was to document the suffering and crimes that occurred during the war. The encyclopedia contributes to the decay of Israel's legitimacy in the framework of a battle that stripped Israel of its moral and humanitarian legitimacy.
The reference book attempts to correct the past mistake of not recording Israel's crimes. The encyclopedia therefore protects history from being falsified, and provides a reliable reference with voice and picture.
The name the Gaza Holocaust was part of the name battle that Israel had been playing in an attempt to monopolize names. The named heroic disaster was therefore named the holocaust.
Madhoun called on media agencies to deliver the encyclopedia to every household in the world. The encyclopedia should be translated into English, and then continued to be developed and supported with more data and documents.
He added that the reference followed a new approach in documenting history and building cases against criminals in light of the current information revolution.
ISRAELI WAR CRIMES GOES ELECTRONIC
First ever encyclopedia documenting the Gaza war released Sunday
The reference book attempts to correct the past mistake of not recording Israel's crimes. The encyclopedia therefore protects history from being falsified, and provides a reliable reference with voice and picture.
GAZA, The creativity studies and training foundation released Sunday the first ever electronic encyclopedia that documents Israel's late 2008 early 2009 war on the Gaza Strip to mark the war's second anniversary as it approaches.
The encyclopedia, dubbed the Gaza Holocaust, is the product of drawn out efforts by the foundation's strategic research and studies center, said foundation head Mohammed al-Madhoun. More than 120 of the foundation's field researchers contributed to this remarkable work, as well as many more from research centers, rights foundations, and ministries.
The idea, sparked at the time of Israel's aggression, was to document the suffering and crimes that occurred during the war. The encyclopedia contributes to the decay of Israel's legitimacy in the framework of a battle that stripped Israel of its moral and humanitarian legitimacy.
The reference book attempts to correct the past mistake of not recording Israel's crimes. The encyclopedia therefore protects history from being falsified, and provides a reliable reference with voice and picture.
The name the Gaza Holocaust was part of the name battle that Israel had been playing in an attempt to monopolize names. The named heroic disaster was therefore named the holocaust.
Madhoun called on media agencies to deliver the encyclopedia to every household in the world. The encyclopedia should be translated into English, and then continued to be developed and supported with more data and documents.
He added that the reference followed a new approach in documenting history and building cases against criminals in light of the current information revolution.
The encyclopedia, dubbed the Gaza Holocaust, is the product of drawn out efforts by the foundation's strategic research and studies center, said foundation head Mohammed al-Madhoun. More than 120 of the foundation's field researchers contributed to this remarkable work, as well as many more from research centers, rights foundations, and ministries.
The idea, sparked at the time of Israel's aggression, was to document the suffering and crimes that occurred during the war. The encyclopedia contributes to the decay of Israel's legitimacy in the framework of a battle that stripped Israel of its moral and humanitarian legitimacy.
The reference book attempts to correct the past mistake of not recording Israel's crimes. The encyclopedia therefore protects history from being falsified, and provides a reliable reference with voice and picture.
The name the Gaza Holocaust was part of the name battle that Israel had been playing in an attempt to monopolize names. The named heroic disaster was therefore named the holocaust.
Madhoun called on media agencies to deliver the encyclopedia to every household in the world. The encyclopedia should be translated into English, and then continued to be developed and supported with more data and documents.
He added that the reference followed a new approach in documenting history and building cases against criminals in light of the current information revolution.
ISRAELI WAR CRIMES GOES ELECTRONIC
First ever encyclopedia documenting the Gaza war released Sunday
The reference book attempts to correct the past mistake of not recording Israel's crimes. The encyclopedia therefore protects history from being falsified, and provides a reliable reference with voice and picture.
GAZA, The creativity studies and training foundation released Sunday the first ever electronic encyclopedia that documents Israel's late 2008 early 2009 war on the Gaza Strip to mark the war's second anniversary as it approaches.
The encyclopedia, dubbed the Gaza Holocaust, is the product of drawn out efforts by the foundation's strategic research and studies center, said foundation head Mohammed al-Madhoun. More than 120 of the foundation's field researchers contributed to this remarkable work, as well as many more from research centers, rights foundations, and ministries.
The idea, sparked at the time of Israel's aggression, was to document the suffering and crimes that occurred during the war. The encyclopedia contributes to the decay of Israel's legitimacy in the framework of a battle that stripped Israel of its moral and humanitarian legitimacy.
The reference book attempts to correct the past mistake of not recording Israel's crimes. The encyclopedia therefore protects history from being falsified, and provides a reliable reference with voice and picture.
The name the Gaza Holocaust was part of the name battle that Israel had been playing in an attempt to monopolize names. The named heroic disaster was therefore named the holocaust.
Madhoun called on media agencies to deliver the encyclopedia to every household in the world. The encyclopedia should be translated into English, and then continued to be developed and supported with more data and documents.
He added that the reference followed a new approach in documenting history and building cases against criminals in light of the current information revolution.
6 dec 2010
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Israel is the target of at least 65 UN Resolutions and the Palestinians are the target of none.
Chart showing that at least 65 UN resolutions target Israel and none target the Palestinians. Aside from the core issues refugees, Jerusalem, borders the major themes reflected in the U.N. resolutions against Israel over the years are its unlawful attacks on its neighbors; its violations of the human rights of the Palestinians, including deportations, demolitions of homes and other collective punishments; its confiscation of Palestinian land; its establishment of illegal settlements; and its refusal to abide by the U.N. Charter and the 1949 Fourth Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War. Source: Paul Findley's Deliberate Deceptions (1998, pages 192-4). This number only covers resolutions passed from 1955 through 1992 (!) 1. Resolution 106: condemns Israel for Gaza raid 2. Resolution 111: condemns Israel for raid on Syria that killed fifty-six people 3. Resolution 127: recommends Israel suspend its no-man's zone in Jerusalem 4. Resolution 162: urges Israel to comply with UN decisions 5. Resolution 171: determines flagrant violations by Israel in its attack on Syria 6. Resolution 228: censures Israel for its attack on Samu in the West Bank, then under Jordanian control 7. Resolution 237: urges Israel to allow return of new 1967 Palestinian refugees 8. Resolution 248: condemns Israel for its massive attack on Karameh in Jordan 9. Resolution 250: calls on Israel to refrain from holding military parade in Jerusalem 10. Resolution 251: deeply deplores Israeli military parade in Jerusalem in defiance of Resolution 250 11. Resolution 252: declares invalid%u2019 Israel's acts to unify Jerusalem as Jewish capital 12. Resolution 256: condemns Israeli raids on Jordan as flagrant violation 13. Resolution 259: deplores Israel's refusal to accept UN mission to probe occupation 14. Resolution 262: condemns Israel for attack on Beirut airport 15. Resolution 265: condemns Israel for air attacks for Salt in Jordan 16. Resolution 267: censures Israel for administrative acts to change the status of Jerusalem 17. Resolution 270: condemns Israel for air attacks on villages in southern Lebanon 18. Resolution 271: condemns Israel's failure to obey UN resolutions on Jerusalem 19. Resolution 279: demands withdrawal of Israeli forces from Lebanon 20. Resolution 280: condemns Israeli's attacks against Lebanon 21. Resolution 285: demands immediate Israeli withdrawal form Lebanon 22. Resolution 298: deplores Israel's changing of the status of Jerusalem 23. Resolution 313: demands that Israel stop attacks against Lebanon 24. Resolution 316: condemns Israel for repeated attacks on Lebanon 25. Resolution 317: deplores Israel's refusal to release Arabs abducted in Lebanon 26. Resolution 332: condemns Israel's repeated attacks against Lebanon 27. Resolution 337: condemns Israel for violating Lebanon's sovereignty 28. Resolution 347: condemns Israeli attacks on Lebanon |
29. Resolution 425: calls on Israel to withdraw its forces from Lebanon
30. Resolution 427: calls on Israel to complete its withdrawal from Lebanon
31. Resolution 444: deplores Israel's lack of cooperation with UN peacekeeping forces
32. Resolution 446: determines that Israeli settlements are a serious obstruction to peace and calls on Israel to abide by the Fourth Geneva Convention
33. Resolution 450: calls on Israel to stop attacking Lebanon
34. Resolution 452: calls on Israel to cease building settlements in occupied territories
35. Resolution 465: deplores Israel's settlements and asks all member states not to assist Israel's settlements program
36. Resolution 467: strongly deplores Israel's military intervention in Lebanon
37. Resolution 468: calls on Israel to rescind illegal expulsions of two Palestinian mayors and a judge and to facilitate their return
38. Resolution 469: strongly deplores Israel's failure to observe the council's order not to deport Palestinians
39. Resolution 471: expresses deep concern at Israel's failure to abide by the Fourth Geneva Convention
40. Resolution 476: reiterates that Israel's claims to Jerusalem are null and void
41. Resolution 478: censures (Israel) in the strongest terms for its claim to Jerusalem in its Basic Law
42. Resolution 484: declares it imperative that Israel re-admit two deported Palestinian mayors
43. Resolution 487: strongly condemns Israel for its attack on Iraq's nuclear facility
44. Resolution 497: decides that Israel's annexation of Syria's Golan Heights is null and void and demands that Israel rescind its decision forthwith
45. Resolution 498: calls on Israel to withdraw from Lebanon
46. Resolution 501: calls on Israel to stop attacks against Lebanon and withdraw its troops
47. Resolution 509: demands that Israel withdraw its forces forthwith and unconditionally from Lebanon
48. Resolution 515: demands that Israel lift its siege of Beirut and allow food supplies to be brought in
49. Resolution 517: censures Israel for failing to obey UN resolutions and demands that Israel withdraw its forces from Lebanon
50. Resolution 518: demands that Israel cooperate fully with UN forces in Lebanon
51. Resolution 520: condemns Israel's attack into West Beirut
52. Resolution 573: condemns Israel vigorously for bombing Tunisia in attack on PLO headquarters
53. Resolution 587: takes note of previous calls on Israel to withdraw its forces from Lebanon and urges all parties to withdraw
54. Resolution 592: strongly deplores the killing of Palestinian students at Bir Zeit University by Israeli troops
55. Resolution 605: strongly deplores Israel's policies and practices denying the human rights of Palestinians
56. Resolution 607: calls on Israel not to deport Palestinians and strongly requests it to abide by the Fourth Geneva Convention
57. Resolution 608: deeply regrets that Israel has defied the United Nations and deported Palestinian civilians
58. Resolution 636: deeply regrets Israeli deportation of Palestinian civilians
59. Resolution 641: deplores Israel's continuing deportation of Palestinians
60. Resolution 672: condemns Israel for violence against Palestinians at the Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount
61. Resolution 673: deplores Israel's refusal to cooperate with the United Nations
62. Resolution 681: deplores Israel's resumption of the deportation of Palestinians
63. Resolution 694: deplores Israel's deportation of Palestinians and calls on it to ensure their safe and immediate return
64. Resolution 726: strongly condemns Israel's deportation of Palestinians
65. Resolution 799: strongly condemns Israel's deportation of 413 Palestinians and calls for their immediate return.
Suffice to say, Israel has never lived up to these terms.
Israel's membership in the UN is therefore null and void.
30. Resolution 427: calls on Israel to complete its withdrawal from Lebanon
31. Resolution 444: deplores Israel's lack of cooperation with UN peacekeeping forces
32. Resolution 446: determines that Israeli settlements are a serious obstruction to peace and calls on Israel to abide by the Fourth Geneva Convention
33. Resolution 450: calls on Israel to stop attacking Lebanon
34. Resolution 452: calls on Israel to cease building settlements in occupied territories
35. Resolution 465: deplores Israel's settlements and asks all member states not to assist Israel's settlements program
36. Resolution 467: strongly deplores Israel's military intervention in Lebanon
37. Resolution 468: calls on Israel to rescind illegal expulsions of two Palestinian mayors and a judge and to facilitate their return
38. Resolution 469: strongly deplores Israel's failure to observe the council's order not to deport Palestinians
39. Resolution 471: expresses deep concern at Israel's failure to abide by the Fourth Geneva Convention
40. Resolution 476: reiterates that Israel's claims to Jerusalem are null and void
41. Resolution 478: censures (Israel) in the strongest terms for its claim to Jerusalem in its Basic Law
42. Resolution 484: declares it imperative that Israel re-admit two deported Palestinian mayors
43. Resolution 487: strongly condemns Israel for its attack on Iraq's nuclear facility
44. Resolution 497: decides that Israel's annexation of Syria's Golan Heights is null and void and demands that Israel rescind its decision forthwith
45. Resolution 498: calls on Israel to withdraw from Lebanon
46. Resolution 501: calls on Israel to stop attacks against Lebanon and withdraw its troops
47. Resolution 509: demands that Israel withdraw its forces forthwith and unconditionally from Lebanon
48. Resolution 515: demands that Israel lift its siege of Beirut and allow food supplies to be brought in
49. Resolution 517: censures Israel for failing to obey UN resolutions and demands that Israel withdraw its forces from Lebanon
50. Resolution 518: demands that Israel cooperate fully with UN forces in Lebanon
51. Resolution 520: condemns Israel's attack into West Beirut
52. Resolution 573: condemns Israel vigorously for bombing Tunisia in attack on PLO headquarters
53. Resolution 587: takes note of previous calls on Israel to withdraw its forces from Lebanon and urges all parties to withdraw
54. Resolution 592: strongly deplores the killing of Palestinian students at Bir Zeit University by Israeli troops
55. Resolution 605: strongly deplores Israel's policies and practices denying the human rights of Palestinians
56. Resolution 607: calls on Israel not to deport Palestinians and strongly requests it to abide by the Fourth Geneva Convention
57. Resolution 608: deeply regrets that Israel has defied the United Nations and deported Palestinian civilians
58. Resolution 636: deeply regrets Israeli deportation of Palestinian civilians
59. Resolution 641: deplores Israel's continuing deportation of Palestinians
60. Resolution 672: condemns Israel for violence against Palestinians at the Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount
61. Resolution 673: deplores Israel's refusal to cooperate with the United Nations
62. Resolution 681: deplores Israel's resumption of the deportation of Palestinians
63. Resolution 694: deplores Israel's deportation of Palestinians and calls on it to ensure their safe and immediate return
64. Resolution 726: strongly condemns Israel's deportation of Palestinians
65. Resolution 799: strongly condemns Israel's deportation of 413 Palestinians and calls for their immediate return.
Suffice to say, Israel has never lived up to these terms.
Israel's membership in the UN is therefore null and void.
3 dec 2010
WikiLeaks: U.S. worried Israel becoming 'the promised land' for organized crime
U.S. Embassy follows Israeli crime families closely and considers them a serious threat, cable shows.
The U.S. Embassy in Tel Aviv sent a cable to the State Department in May 2009 expressing little confidence in the Israel Police's ability to counter the growing wave of organized crime.
The cable, released on WikiLeaks, said the embassy was taking pains to prevent members of crime families from being issued visas to the United States.
The cable, under the headline "Israel, a promised land for organized crime?" notes that the U.S. Embassy was following Israeli crime families closely and considered them a serious threat to the United States. The embassy has set up a database on the subject with the help of Israeli and American law-enforcement agencies.
"Given the growing reach and lethal methods of Israeli OC [Organized Crime], blocking the travel of known OC figures to the United States is a matter of great concern," according to the cable, signed by James Cunningham, the U.S. ambassador to Israel.
The author, however, is probably the Tel Aviv consul responsible for granting visas to Israelis, or perhaps a U.S. law-enforcement attache.
The cable describes the violence among crime families that began in November 2008 with the murder of Ya'akov Alperon. "Israeli crime boss Yaakov Alperon was assassinated in broad daylight in a gruesome attack on the streets of Tel Aviv, only about a mile away from the Embassy."
Also described is the shooting of an innocent bystander on a Bat Yam beach during an attempt on the life of Rami Amira. The assassinations of Abutbul family members in Netanya are also noted.
The authors point to leading Israeli crimes families such as the Alperons, Abergils, Abutbuls, Rosensteins and Shirazis. They focus on gambling, extortion, trafficking in women, loan sharking and control over the recycling market.
Quoting a source, the authors note that "in recent years, however, the rules of the game have changed ... the old school of Israel OC is giving way to a new, more violent, breed of crime."
They note that "the new style of crime features knowledge of hi-tech explosives acquired from service in the Israeli Defense Forces, and a willingness to use indiscriminate violence, at least against rival gang leaders. New OC business also includes technology-related crimes, such as stock market and credit card fraud, and operates on a global scale."
The embassy informs the State Department about a new police unit, "called Lahav 433. The elite unit operates under the direct command of the police commissioner, and is charged specifically with infiltrating and eliminating Israel's major crime syndicates."
The embassy source, however, "expressed skepticism that recent arrests will bear fruit in the long term without a sustained commitment to enforcement. He noted that many of the crime leaders remain active while in prison and their operations are not hampered significantly even when they are convicted and jailed."
The cable notes that it is unclear how far the crime families have penetrated the government, but it mentions the 2004 arrest of former minister Gonen Segev, who tried to smuggle thousands of Ecstasy pills into Israel, and the election of Inbal Gavrieli to the Knesset in 2003.
"The election of Inbal Gavrieli to the Knesset in 2003 as a member of Likud raised concerns about OC influence in the party's Central Committee. Gavrieli is the daughter of a suspected crime boss, and she attempted to use her parliamentary immunity to block investigations into her father's business."
The U.S. Embassy in Tel Aviv sent a cable to the State Department in May 2009 expressing little confidence in the Israel Police's ability to counter the growing wave of organized crime.
The cable, released on WikiLeaks, said the embassy was taking pains to prevent members of crime families from being issued visas to the United States.
The cable, under the headline "Israel, a promised land for organized crime?" notes that the U.S. Embassy was following Israeli crime families closely and considered them a serious threat to the United States. The embassy has set up a database on the subject with the help of Israeli and American law-enforcement agencies.
"Given the growing reach and lethal methods of Israeli OC [Organized Crime], blocking the travel of known OC figures to the United States is a matter of great concern," according to the cable, signed by James Cunningham, the U.S. ambassador to Israel.
The author, however, is probably the Tel Aviv consul responsible for granting visas to Israelis, or perhaps a U.S. law-enforcement attache.
The cable describes the violence among crime families that began in November 2008 with the murder of Ya'akov Alperon. "Israeli crime boss Yaakov Alperon was assassinated in broad daylight in a gruesome attack on the streets of Tel Aviv, only about a mile away from the Embassy."
Also described is the shooting of an innocent bystander on a Bat Yam beach during an attempt on the life of Rami Amira. The assassinations of Abutbul family members in Netanya are also noted.
The authors point to leading Israeli crimes families such as the Alperons, Abergils, Abutbuls, Rosensteins and Shirazis. They focus on gambling, extortion, trafficking in women, loan sharking and control over the recycling market.
Quoting a source, the authors note that "in recent years, however, the rules of the game have changed ... the old school of Israel OC is giving way to a new, more violent, breed of crime."
They note that "the new style of crime features knowledge of hi-tech explosives acquired from service in the Israeli Defense Forces, and a willingness to use indiscriminate violence, at least against rival gang leaders. New OC business also includes technology-related crimes, such as stock market and credit card fraud, and operates on a global scale."
The embassy informs the State Department about a new police unit, "called Lahav 433. The elite unit operates under the direct command of the police commissioner, and is charged specifically with infiltrating and eliminating Israel's major crime syndicates."
The embassy source, however, "expressed skepticism that recent arrests will bear fruit in the long term without a sustained commitment to enforcement. He noted that many of the crime leaders remain active while in prison and their operations are not hampered significantly even when they are convicted and jailed."
The cable notes that it is unclear how far the crime families have penetrated the government, but it mentions the 2004 arrest of former minister Gonen Segev, who tried to smuggle thousands of Ecstasy pills into Israel, and the election of Inbal Gavrieli to the Knesset in 2003.
"The election of Inbal Gavrieli to the Knesset in 2003 as a member of Likud raised concerns about OC influence in the party's Central Committee. Gavrieli is the daughter of a suspected crime boss, and she attempted to use her parliamentary immunity to block investigations into her father's business."
1 dec 2010
Israel’s ‘Organized Crime’: Mafia and Mossad
Alperon's car and body after bomb explosion
I’ve written here about as assassination and attempted assassination in Teheran a few days ago, which Haaretz’ Yossi Melman attributes to the Mossad. In these cases, the two scientists were driving in their cars to work with their wives. They’d pulled into the university parking lot when a motorscooter pulled alongside and the driver threw a magnetic bomb at the driver side window, pulled away and then detonated his device. In one case, the victim was killed; in the second, he was seriously injured.
Compare this account to the following from a May 15, 2009 Wikileaks cable:
In November 2008…Yaakov Alperon was assassinated in broad daylight in a gruesome attack on the streets of xxxx, only about a mile away from the Embassy. According to several media accounts, a motor scooter pulled up alongside Alperon’s car and the rider attached a sophisticated explosive device with a remote detonator to the car door. The bomb killed Alperon and his driver, and injured two innocent pedestrians. The hit was the latest in a series of violent attacks and reprisals, and indicated a widening…war…
What’s the difference? In the first case, criminality was used to pursue state policy. In the second case, criminality was used in pursuit of the ends of Israeli organized crime. In fact, the U.S. embassy cable includes this telling statement:
…The old school of Israel OC [organized crime] is giving way to a new, more violent, breed of crime…The new style of crime features knowledge of hi-tech explosives acquired from service in the Israeli Defense Forces…
This invokes one of the most profound insights of the film, M, that is, that the forces of the state and laws that govern them are sometimes no different than those of the criminals they pursue. Where do we think Israeli criminals learn their “skills?” In killing Palestinians of course while serving their nation. These two passages prove beyond a shadow of a doubt that this experience is exploited for corrosive effect within Israeli society. Bringing the Occupation back home with a vengeance.
The entire cable linked above is instructive reading in terms of educating one about the penetration of organized crime into many corners of Israeli life and world commerce. One claim I find hard to believe is the following:
It is not entirely clear to what extent OC elements have penetrated the Israeli establishment and corrupted public officials. The INP [Israeli National Police] insists that such instances are rare, despite the occasional revelation of crooked police officers in the press.
In fact, the Israeli police are widely regarded by Israelis as corrupt, brutish and ineffective. In some regard, it doesn’t matter whether organized crime has penetrated the ranks. It might as well have considering how useless the cops are there. Besides the tour de force blog post written by Eyal Clyne which documents scores of incidents of police mayhem as reported in the Israeli media, note that only 41% of Israelis have full or partial confidence in the police. In a 2009 Gallup poll, 59% of Americans expressed full or partial confidence in their police. Israeli is a country in which the rule of law is a concept but not a reality. And a good part of the reason for this is the debilitating effect of the Occupation on every aspect of Israeli society.
I’ve written here about as assassination and attempted assassination in Teheran a few days ago, which Haaretz’ Yossi Melman attributes to the Mossad. In these cases, the two scientists were driving in their cars to work with their wives. They’d pulled into the university parking lot when a motorscooter pulled alongside and the driver threw a magnetic bomb at the driver side window, pulled away and then detonated his device. In one case, the victim was killed; in the second, he was seriously injured.
Compare this account to the following from a May 15, 2009 Wikileaks cable:
In November 2008…Yaakov Alperon was assassinated in broad daylight in a gruesome attack on the streets of xxxx, only about a mile away from the Embassy. According to several media accounts, a motor scooter pulled up alongside Alperon’s car and the rider attached a sophisticated explosive device with a remote detonator to the car door. The bomb killed Alperon and his driver, and injured two innocent pedestrians. The hit was the latest in a series of violent attacks and reprisals, and indicated a widening…war…
What’s the difference? In the first case, criminality was used to pursue state policy. In the second case, criminality was used in pursuit of the ends of Israeli organized crime. In fact, the U.S. embassy cable includes this telling statement:
…The old school of Israel OC [organized crime] is giving way to a new, more violent, breed of crime…The new style of crime features knowledge of hi-tech explosives acquired from service in the Israeli Defense Forces…
This invokes one of the most profound insights of the film, M, that is, that the forces of the state and laws that govern them are sometimes no different than those of the criminals they pursue. Where do we think Israeli criminals learn their “skills?” In killing Palestinians of course while serving their nation. These two passages prove beyond a shadow of a doubt that this experience is exploited for corrosive effect within Israeli society. Bringing the Occupation back home with a vengeance.
The entire cable linked above is instructive reading in terms of educating one about the penetration of organized crime into many corners of Israeli life and world commerce. One claim I find hard to believe is the following:
It is not entirely clear to what extent OC elements have penetrated the Israeli establishment and corrupted public officials. The INP [Israeli National Police] insists that such instances are rare, despite the occasional revelation of crooked police officers in the press.
In fact, the Israeli police are widely regarded by Israelis as corrupt, brutish and ineffective. In some regard, it doesn’t matter whether organized crime has penetrated the ranks. It might as well have considering how useless the cops are there. Besides the tour de force blog post written by Eyal Clyne which documents scores of incidents of police mayhem as reported in the Israeli media, note that only 41% of Israelis have full or partial confidence in the police. In a 2009 Gallup poll, 59% of Americans expressed full or partial confidence in their police. Israeli is a country in which the rule of law is a concept but not a reality. And a good part of the reason for this is the debilitating effect of the Occupation on every aspect of Israeli society.
28 nov 2010
IDF officers get photo of dead child
"How will you explain this to God?' says letter sent from Spain to homes of officers exposed on 'war criminals' website. 'I've gotten used to curses, but when such a thing arrives at your doorstep, it's very unpleasant,' reserve colonel tells Ynet.
Colonel (res.) Bentzi Gruber, a deputy commander of an Israel Defense Forces division, was at a training base in Tze'elim last week. His wife called to tell him that he had received a letter from Spain, which didn't particularly surprise him. But when she opened the envelope, she was shocked.
"Unfortunately, I've gotten used to curses and scathing words against me, but when such a thing arrives at your doorstep, it's very unpleasant," he tells Ynet.
Gruber is just one of the officers who received a threatening poster from Spain, after his name appeared on a website referring to IDF soldiers involved in Operation Cast Lead as "war criminals".
The poster includes a picture of a young child buried in the sand. His head is the only thing sticking out and he appears to be dead. Two hands in the background, apparently belonging to a soldier, are directed at him. The picture's caption reads, "How will you explain this to God?'
The letter was sent in an envelope from Madrid to the homes of Colonel (res.) Gruber and several other IDF officers, including Central Command Chief Avi Mizrahi and outgoing Military Intelligence Director Amos Yadlin. Some of the posters include a picture of an injured or dead young woman being held by a soldier. The English sentence is similar.
The army does not know at this stage the exact number of letters sent to the officers' home. The website included dozens of addresses of IDF officers, most of whom are believed to have received such letters.
Colonel (res.) Bentzi Gruber, a deputy commander of an Israel Defense Forces division, was at a training base in Tze'elim last week. His wife called to tell him that he had received a letter from Spain, which didn't particularly surprise him. But when she opened the envelope, she was shocked.
"Unfortunately, I've gotten used to curses and scathing words against me, but when such a thing arrives at your doorstep, it's very unpleasant," he tells Ynet.
Gruber is just one of the officers who received a threatening poster from Spain, after his name appeared on a website referring to IDF soldiers involved in Operation Cast Lead as "war criminals".
The poster includes a picture of a young child buried in the sand. His head is the only thing sticking out and he appears to be dead. Two hands in the background, apparently belonging to a soldier, are directed at him. The picture's caption reads, "How will you explain this to God?'
The letter was sent in an envelope from Madrid to the homes of Colonel (res.) Gruber and several other IDF officers, including Central Command Chief Avi Mizrahi and outgoing Military Intelligence Director Amos Yadlin. Some of the posters include a picture of an injured or dead young woman being held by a soldier. The English sentence is similar.
The army does not know at this stage the exact number of letters sent to the officers' home. The website included dozens of addresses of IDF officers, most of whom are believed to have received such letters.
|
Signed: Rodriguez
"When my wife told me what it was all about, I felt bad," recounts Colonel (res.) Gruber, an Armored Corps officer who played an active role in the Gaza operation due to his senior position. |
"It's disgusting. It's really unpleasant when such a thing reaches your doorstep, but it won't make me stop doing what I do."
Since the end of the Gaza operation, Gruber has delivered more than 150 lectures in many countries on the IDF's activity and ethical code. He admits that he has been met with curses and signs reading "wanted" quite a few times.
"I've gotten used to this attitude in some places, but such a letter is much more difficult to deal with," he says
Gruber's exact home address appeared on the same website that was later removed. The letter was signed by "Rodriguez", and the address is handwritten on the envelope.
"There's no doubt that it could get worse," the reserve officer says. "It might even result in real harm to one of the officers. I've been thinking about it a lot. I'm supposed to travel to the United States for a series of lectures, and this is something that cannot be ignored. It's extremely troubling."
After Operation Cast Lead, the army placed a gag on the identity of brigade commander for fear of legal proceedings against them. The prohibition was lifted later on, but fears that the information will be misused remain.
The IDF is also checking whether the details published on the website were revealed by a military source. Officials estimate, however, that the information was collected on the Web and did not originate in the army.
"The phenomenon of classifying IDF officers as 'war criminals' is unacceptable, and it's even worse when their homes and relatives are targeted with this filth. We must do all we can to back this officers, while working to reduce this phenomenon," says a senior military source.
Since the end of the Gaza operation, Gruber has delivered more than 150 lectures in many countries on the IDF's activity and ethical code. He admits that he has been met with curses and signs reading "wanted" quite a few times.
"I've gotten used to this attitude in some places, but such a letter is much more difficult to deal with," he says
Gruber's exact home address appeared on the same website that was later removed. The letter was signed by "Rodriguez", and the address is handwritten on the envelope.
"There's no doubt that it could get worse," the reserve officer says. "It might even result in real harm to one of the officers. I've been thinking about it a lot. I'm supposed to travel to the United States for a series of lectures, and this is something that cannot be ignored. It's extremely troubling."
After Operation Cast Lead, the army placed a gag on the identity of brigade commander for fear of legal proceedings against them. The prohibition was lifted later on, but fears that the information will be misused remain.
The IDF is also checking whether the details published on the website were revealed by a military source. Officials estimate, however, that the information was collected on the Web and did not originate in the army.
"The phenomenon of classifying IDF officers as 'war criminals' is unacceptable, and it's even worse when their homes and relatives are targeted with this filth. We must do all we can to back this officers, while working to reduce this phenomenon," says a senior military source.
Leftists: Naveh involved in 'illegal killings'
Shulamit Aloni, Nathan Zach and others object appointment of new IDF deputy chief of staff, claiming he's 'not morally suitable'. In High Court petition, they accuse him of illegal targeted killings while serving as central command chief.
Only three days have past since Major-General Yair Naveh returned to his army uniform as the new Israel Defense Forces deputy chief of staff, but on Sunday he received a chilled welcome as several left-wing activists and intellectuals petitioned the High Court of Justice against him.
The leftists claimed in their petition that when Naveh served as Central Command chief, he was responsible for targeted killings considered illegal by the High Court and international law.
Among the petitioners are former Meretz leader Shulamit Aloni, former Knesset Member Mossi Raz, founding member of Gush Shalom (independent peace movement) Uri Avnery, poet Nathan Zach and photographer Alex Levac. They were joined by the left-wing organizations Yesh Gvul and Gush Shalom.
The petitioners claimed that debriefings published in the past based on IDF files' findings state that Naveh, as well as other IDF officials, allegedly confirmed the assassinations and targeted killings of wanted persons, who could have otherwise been arrested, even though their killing cost the lives of innocent people.
They insisted that these actions were done "in complete contradiction to the principles set by the High Court and entirely against the international law and the Israeli law." These accusations, added petitioners, were never refuted by Naveh, who served as Central Command Chief in 2005-2007.
Due to these accusations, the petitioners criticized the Defense Minister Ehud Barak's decision to appoint Naveh as new deputy chief of staff, calling it "extremely unreasonable legally and not morally suitable."
Just last month the poet Nathan Zach, one of the petitioners, stirred up a public discussion when he said he was "willing to volunteer" for the Gaza flotilla and harshly criticizing government policy.
"The cruelty of oppression has penetrated us," he explained at the time. "Not a day goes by when people don't get murdered here. The violence on the roads and in schools began with the occupation."
Only three days have past since Major-General Yair Naveh returned to his army uniform as the new Israel Defense Forces deputy chief of staff, but on Sunday he received a chilled welcome as several left-wing activists and intellectuals petitioned the High Court of Justice against him.
The leftists claimed in their petition that when Naveh served as Central Command chief, he was responsible for targeted killings considered illegal by the High Court and international law.
Among the petitioners are former Meretz leader Shulamit Aloni, former Knesset Member Mossi Raz, founding member of Gush Shalom (independent peace movement) Uri Avnery, poet Nathan Zach and photographer Alex Levac. They were joined by the left-wing organizations Yesh Gvul and Gush Shalom.
The petitioners claimed that debriefings published in the past based on IDF files' findings state that Naveh, as well as other IDF officials, allegedly confirmed the assassinations and targeted killings of wanted persons, who could have otherwise been arrested, even though their killing cost the lives of innocent people.
They insisted that these actions were done "in complete contradiction to the principles set by the High Court and entirely against the international law and the Israeli law." These accusations, added petitioners, were never refuted by Naveh, who served as Central Command Chief in 2005-2007.
Due to these accusations, the petitioners criticized the Defense Minister Ehud Barak's decision to appoint Naveh as new deputy chief of staff, calling it "extremely unreasonable legally and not morally suitable."
Just last month the poet Nathan Zach, one of the petitioners, stirred up a public discussion when he said he was "willing to volunteer" for the Gaza flotilla and harshly criticizing government policy.
"The cruelty of oppression has penetrated us," he explained at the time. "Not a day goes by when people don't get murdered here. The violence on the roads and in schools began with the occupation."
Palestinian website exposes "war crimes" during Cast Lead
A Palestinian organization on Sunday launched a website ahead of the second anniversary of Operation Cast Lead which documents "Israeli war crimes" called "the electronic encyclopedia of the Gaza holocaust."
The website includes the names and ranks of dozens of soldiers and officers involved in the operation in an attempt to present "crimes" that the IDF committed against the Palestinian population, the sights founders claimed.
The website includes the names and ranks of dozens of soldiers and officers involved in the operation in an attempt to present "crimes" that the IDF committed against the Palestinian population, the sights founders claimed.
26 nov 2010
Israel: Soldiers’ Punishment for Using Boy as ‘Human Shield’ Inadequate
An Israeli military court's sentence on November 21, 2010, for two soldiers found guilty of using a Palestinian boy as a "human shield" during the 2008-09 offensive in Gaza appears inadequate considering the gravity of the offense, Human Rights Watch said today. "The slap on the wrist for these soldiers is another slap in the face for the victims of violations during Operation Cast Lead," said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. "Not only do these sentences seem unjustifiably lenient, but two years later, they are the only sentences Israel has handed down for serious human rights violations among the many alleged during the Gaza offensive."
The court ruling, which demoted two staff sergeants to the rank of sergeant and gave them suspended three-month sentences, sends a dangerous signal that the Israeli military justice system will not seriously sanction soldiers convicted for offenses that are war crimes under international law, Human Rights Watch said.
The military court ruling took into consideration the sergeants' records of good military service and "the difficult conditions in which [they] had to operate." Israeli media reports said that both soldiers, whose identities have not been made public, had completed their mandatory military service but will still be able to serve as commanders when called for reserve duty.
The Israeli southern command military court indicted the two staff sergeants in March for separating nine-year-old Majed R. from his mother and ordering him at gunpoint to open bags suspected of containing booby-trapped bombs in the Tel al-Hawa neighborhood, south of Gaza City, on January 15, 2009. No explosives were found. The court convicted the soldiers in October of "exceeding authority to the point of endangering life or health," which carries a maximum sentence of three years in prison, and the disciplinary offense of "conduct unbecoming" a commander.
The laws of war applicable during the Gaza offensive prohibit as a war crime the deliberate use of civilians to shield against enemy attack. Shielding is prohibited under Article 28 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, which applies to Gaza as an occupied territory. The First Additional Protocol to the Geneva Conventions, which reflects customary international law generally and in this instance, says that, "Individual civilians shall not be used to render certain points or areas immune from military operations, in particular in attempts to shield military objectives from attacks or to shield, favor or impede military operations."
The fact that explosives were not found in the 2009 incident does not alter the laws-of-war violation or the criminal intent behind the soldiers' actions, Human Rights Watch said. The soldiers appeared to have deliberately or recklessly sought to place the boy between them and a potential attack, which could have led to the boy's injury or death. The Fourth Geneva Convention and customary international law also prohibit the compulsory use of civilians for labor during military operations.
The soldiers from the Givati Brigade were two of only four whom Israeli military authorities have indicted for criminal offenses during Operation Cast Lead, despite numerous well-documented instances of apparent deliberate or indiscriminate attacks on civilians and other actions in violation of the laws of war by other soldiers. Israel opened roughly 48 criminal investigations after Operation Cast Lead, but to date only one soldier has been sentenced to prison: he served a seven-and-a-half-month sentence for stealing a credit card.
"It is disturbing that soldiers who risked a child's life in a patently illegal way received a milder punishment than a soldier who stole a credit card," Whitson said.
The Israeli military reprimanded six other soldiers for actions during the Gaza offensive, including a battalion commander who was "warned" as a result of authorizing the use of a Palestinian man as a human shield in the Izbt Abd Rabbo neighborhood on January 6, 2009. In another case, the Gaza Division commander, Brig. Gen. Eyal Eisenberg, and Givati Brigade commander, Col. Ilan Malka, were disciplined for shelling the UN Relief and Works Agency compound in Gaza City on January 15, 2009. In an ongoing criminal investigation, Israeli military police questioned Colonel Malka in October for allegedly authorizing an attack on January 5, 2009, that killed 21 members of the al-Samouni family, despite receiving warnings that there could be civilians in the area, Israeli media reported.
While the Israeli military has convicted and disciplined several soldiers, Hamas authorities in Gaza have not taken any credible steps whatsoever to investigate its own troops or members of other Palestinian armed groups for alleged war crimes and serious human rights abuses during the conflict, including deliberately launching hundreds of rockets at Israeli population centers and extrajudicially executing alleged Palestinian collaborators.
During Operation Cast Lead, Hamas at times unlawfully placed civilians in unnecessary danger by fighting from densely populated areas. International media and reports by nongovernmental organizations described at least two cases in which Palestinian armed groups appeared to have deliberately fired rockets from populated areas to avoid Israeli counterattacks, which would amount to the war crime of human shielding.
Israeli and Palestinian human rights organizations and the Goldstone report commissioned by the United Nations Human Rights Council documented at least 21 allegations of cases in which Israeli soldiers used human shields during the offensive. Israeli human rights groups documented dozens of cases in which Israeli soldiers used human shields in the years before the Gaza conflict.
In May 2002 the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) issued an "unequivocal order" prohibiting soldiers from using human shields. In October 2005 the Israeli High Court of Justice ruled that it was illegal for the IDF to use Palestinian civilians during military actions, in response to a petition filed by Israeli human rights organizations in 2002.
"The Israeli military justice system has failed to address many claims of human shielding by Israeli soldiers before and during Operation Cast Lead," Whitson said. "If soldiers aren't going to be punished seriously for this criminal conduct, we can expect that it will continue."
The Palestine section of Defense for Children International (DCI), a West Bank and Gaza-based human rights organization, filed a complaint with Israeli military authorities on behalf of Majed R. in April 2009. Israeli military authorities first responded to the complaint in June 2009, and later asked the boy to testify for a criminal investigation. In November 2009 the boy and his mother agreed to provide information to Israeli military police investigators at the Erez crossing point, which Israel operates on Gaza's perimeter. DCI told Human Rights Watch that Israeli military authorities had refused their request to have a lawyer present during the boy's questioning.
In a July 2010 report, Israel said it would criminally investigate all allegations of human shielding, but published information about only 5 of at least 21 cases of which nongovernmental organizations and the Goldstone report notified the authorities, making it difficult to assess the adequacy of any other investigations or to know whether and why they were closed.
An expert committee appointed by the UN Human Rights Council reported in September that Israel's investigations of violations during "Operation Cast Lead" were incomplete, as the authorities had failed to investigate some cases of alleged wrongdoing and to examine the alleged responsibility of "officials at the highest levels." The committee found a conflict of interest in the role of the military advocate general, who approved plans for the offensive but was also responsible for prosecuting alleged violations by Israeli soldiers.
Human Rights Watch urged the international community to call on Israel as well as Hamas to bring to justice perpetrators of serious violations of the laws of war and international human rights law. A failure by Israel and the Hamas authorities in Gaza to punish those responsible for laws-of-war violations would necessitate international prosecutions, Human Rights Watch said.
The court ruling, which demoted two staff sergeants to the rank of sergeant and gave them suspended three-month sentences, sends a dangerous signal that the Israeli military justice system will not seriously sanction soldiers convicted for offenses that are war crimes under international law, Human Rights Watch said.
The military court ruling took into consideration the sergeants' records of good military service and "the difficult conditions in which [they] had to operate." Israeli media reports said that both soldiers, whose identities have not been made public, had completed their mandatory military service but will still be able to serve as commanders when called for reserve duty.
The Israeli southern command military court indicted the two staff sergeants in March for separating nine-year-old Majed R. from his mother and ordering him at gunpoint to open bags suspected of containing booby-trapped bombs in the Tel al-Hawa neighborhood, south of Gaza City, on January 15, 2009. No explosives were found. The court convicted the soldiers in October of "exceeding authority to the point of endangering life or health," which carries a maximum sentence of three years in prison, and the disciplinary offense of "conduct unbecoming" a commander.
The laws of war applicable during the Gaza offensive prohibit as a war crime the deliberate use of civilians to shield against enemy attack. Shielding is prohibited under Article 28 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, which applies to Gaza as an occupied territory. The First Additional Protocol to the Geneva Conventions, which reflects customary international law generally and in this instance, says that, "Individual civilians shall not be used to render certain points or areas immune from military operations, in particular in attempts to shield military objectives from attacks or to shield, favor or impede military operations."
The fact that explosives were not found in the 2009 incident does not alter the laws-of-war violation or the criminal intent behind the soldiers' actions, Human Rights Watch said. The soldiers appeared to have deliberately or recklessly sought to place the boy between them and a potential attack, which could have led to the boy's injury or death. The Fourth Geneva Convention and customary international law also prohibit the compulsory use of civilians for labor during military operations.
The soldiers from the Givati Brigade were two of only four whom Israeli military authorities have indicted for criminal offenses during Operation Cast Lead, despite numerous well-documented instances of apparent deliberate or indiscriminate attacks on civilians and other actions in violation of the laws of war by other soldiers. Israel opened roughly 48 criminal investigations after Operation Cast Lead, but to date only one soldier has been sentenced to prison: he served a seven-and-a-half-month sentence for stealing a credit card.
"It is disturbing that soldiers who risked a child's life in a patently illegal way received a milder punishment than a soldier who stole a credit card," Whitson said.
The Israeli military reprimanded six other soldiers for actions during the Gaza offensive, including a battalion commander who was "warned" as a result of authorizing the use of a Palestinian man as a human shield in the Izbt Abd Rabbo neighborhood on January 6, 2009. In another case, the Gaza Division commander, Brig. Gen. Eyal Eisenberg, and Givati Brigade commander, Col. Ilan Malka, were disciplined for shelling the UN Relief and Works Agency compound in Gaza City on January 15, 2009. In an ongoing criminal investigation, Israeli military police questioned Colonel Malka in October for allegedly authorizing an attack on January 5, 2009, that killed 21 members of the al-Samouni family, despite receiving warnings that there could be civilians in the area, Israeli media reported.
While the Israeli military has convicted and disciplined several soldiers, Hamas authorities in Gaza have not taken any credible steps whatsoever to investigate its own troops or members of other Palestinian armed groups for alleged war crimes and serious human rights abuses during the conflict, including deliberately launching hundreds of rockets at Israeli population centers and extrajudicially executing alleged Palestinian collaborators.
During Operation Cast Lead, Hamas at times unlawfully placed civilians in unnecessary danger by fighting from densely populated areas. International media and reports by nongovernmental organizations described at least two cases in which Palestinian armed groups appeared to have deliberately fired rockets from populated areas to avoid Israeli counterattacks, which would amount to the war crime of human shielding.
Israeli and Palestinian human rights organizations and the Goldstone report commissioned by the United Nations Human Rights Council documented at least 21 allegations of cases in which Israeli soldiers used human shields during the offensive. Israeli human rights groups documented dozens of cases in which Israeli soldiers used human shields in the years before the Gaza conflict.
In May 2002 the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) issued an "unequivocal order" prohibiting soldiers from using human shields. In October 2005 the Israeli High Court of Justice ruled that it was illegal for the IDF to use Palestinian civilians during military actions, in response to a petition filed by Israeli human rights organizations in 2002.
"The Israeli military justice system has failed to address many claims of human shielding by Israeli soldiers before and during Operation Cast Lead," Whitson said. "If soldiers aren't going to be punished seriously for this criminal conduct, we can expect that it will continue."
The Palestine section of Defense for Children International (DCI), a West Bank and Gaza-based human rights organization, filed a complaint with Israeli military authorities on behalf of Majed R. in April 2009. Israeli military authorities first responded to the complaint in June 2009, and later asked the boy to testify for a criminal investigation. In November 2009 the boy and his mother agreed to provide information to Israeli military police investigators at the Erez crossing point, which Israel operates on Gaza's perimeter. DCI told Human Rights Watch that Israeli military authorities had refused their request to have a lawyer present during the boy's questioning.
In a July 2010 report, Israel said it would criminally investigate all allegations of human shielding, but published information about only 5 of at least 21 cases of which nongovernmental organizations and the Goldstone report notified the authorities, making it difficult to assess the adequacy of any other investigations or to know whether and why they were closed.
An expert committee appointed by the UN Human Rights Council reported in September that Israel's investigations of violations during "Operation Cast Lead" were incomplete, as the authorities had failed to investigate some cases of alleged wrongdoing and to examine the alleged responsibility of "officials at the highest levels." The committee found a conflict of interest in the role of the military advocate general, who approved plans for the offensive but was also responsible for prosecuting alleged violations by Israeli soldiers.
Human Rights Watch urged the international community to call on Israel as well as Hamas to bring to justice perpetrators of serious violations of the laws of war and international human rights law. A failure by Israel and the Hamas authorities in Gaza to punish those responsible for laws-of-war violations would necessitate international prosecutions, Human Rights Watch said.
